Media Round-Up: May 4, 2010

In The Hill, Kevin Bogardus reports that AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka has repeated his recent assertion that proponents will secure a vote on EFCA this year, even if by tacking it on to unrelated legislation:

One victory that has eluded the AFL-CIO so far is seeing the Employee Free Choice Act signed into law. Unions have struggled to find the 60 votes in the Senate to move the standalone bill, and discussions have moved to attaching it to another piece of legislation.

“Anything we can get it attached to. There are multitudes of things we can get it attached to, and we will. We will get it done and it will be a good thing for the country,” Trumka said. “Quite frankly, I don’t know when we ever had 60 votes.”

The union leader was bullish on its chances of passage, saying there will be a vote on the bill this year and it will pass. 

ShopFloor.org reviews the prepared testimony presented at the House Education & Labor Committee's April 30 hearing, excerpting portions of one management attorney's submission:

Judging from the prepared testimony alone, the Employee Free Choice Act was not a dominant topic at a hearing Friday in Berkeley by the House Committee on Education and Labor, “Understanding Problems in First Contract Negotiations: Post-Doctoral Scholar Bargaining at the University of California.” That’s understandable, since negotiations concerning state employees are governed by state labor laws, not the National Labor Relations Act.

It will be interesting to see, once the transcript is available, whether EFCA was discussed much expressly, and to what extent proponents of the bill might use this hearing's testimony as support for their claims about first contract negotiations.  [More at our sister blog, LaborRelationsToday]

Finally, The Atlantic reports that former President Bill Clinton has recorded campaign ads for incumbent Sen. Blanche Lincoln (D-AR).  Senator Lincoln, of course, has been a notable Democrat opponent of EFCA, and labor unions have staunchly supported her primary challenger Lt. Gov. Bill Halter (D-AR).  This race is one that EFCA observers will continue to keep a close eye on.

AEI Policy Paper: The Impact of EFCA on U.S. Economy

American Enterprise Institute has issued a policy paper by UCLA Economics Professor Lee Ohanian entitled "The Impact of the Employee Free Choice Act on the U.S. Economy."   From the Professor's summary:

Gauging the impact of higher unionization on the economy, however, depends on how many more workers are unionized, how much their wages rise as a consequence of unionization and how this additional unionization indirectly impacts other aspects of the economy. To address these issues, I consider different assumptions regarding the number of new union members resulting from the passage of EFCA and different assumptions regarding how much their average wages would rise. I estimate that the impact of EFCA could reduce both the number of jobs and our gross domestic product by close to 4 percent under the assumption that unionization rates return to their levels in the 1970s, and these losses would persist for as long as unionization rates remained high.

Moreover, I find that job loss resulting from EFCA will fall disproportionately on workers with relatively low levels of education and skills. Ironically, it is these individuals that EFCA is specifically intended to help whom I find would be most negatively impacted by the proposed legislation. There are alternative policies that can promote wage growth for lower-skilled workers that are more efficient than unionization, including subsidies for education and job training. For example, each year, 10 million workers could receive $5,000 per year in training and education subsidies, which is only 1/10 of the possible cost of EFCA under the assumption that unionization rates return to their 1970s levels.

Read the entire report here.

Could Pieces Of EFCA Find Way Into Jobs Bill?

As prospects for Senate passage of the Employee Free Choice Act, in its current form, have waned, observers have turned their attention to alternative ways in which the bill's components might be implemented.  The possibility attracting the most commentary lately has been the prospect of a new National Labor Relations Board majority, sympathetic to organized labor, using its administrative authority to enforce elements of EFCA. 

A piece in yesterday's Las Vegas Sun, however, suggests another possibility -- that some aspects of EFCA might be tucked into the Obama administration's "jobs bill" currently being developed by the Senate:

On labor law, Bill Samuel, the AFL-CIO’s legislative director, said the union would try to enlist moderate Republicans but acknowledged the difficulty of achieving a bipartisan bill. He said the federation might consider “other tactics,” meaning the card-check legislation or key parts of it could be placed into a larger jobs bill this year.

Democrat Sen. Tom Harkin of Iowa, chairman of the Senate Labor Committee, suggested that was the bill’s fate. “Maybe it won’t be card check,” he said, referring to the full bill. “But there are some things we need to do to straighten out the process for (union) elections and certification and first contract.”

Given the apparent unpopularity of card check among current Republican and moderate Democratic Senators, it is hard to see how adding those provisions advances a jobs bill purportedly intended to have bipartisan support.   We suppose we will see whether any of EFCA's other provisions find their way into the jobs bill when it is introduced -- perhaps as early as this week, weather permitting.

More commentary:

 

Debate Over Becker Nomination, Potential Impact of EFCA Provisions, Continues

The Senate Health, Education, Labor & Pensions (HELP) Committee is scheduled for an executive session tomorrow to consider pending nominations by the PresidentThe Hill reports today, however,  that a spokeswoman for HELP Committee Chairman Tom Harkin (D-Iowa) said the Committee will not be considering the re-nomination of Craig Becker to the NLRB this week.  Nonetheless, business groups continue to ramp up their opposition to the nomination:

“Yes, we will absolutely oppose the Becker nomination,” said Jade West, senior vice president of government relations for the National Association of Wholesaler-Distributors (NAW). “The NLRB, under the leadership of Becker, could implement the Employee Free Choice Act by fiat.”

The National Association of Manufactures (NAM) also sent a letter to the chairman of the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions (HELP) Committee opposing the nomination.

The Chamber, NAW and NAM were part of a 23-business coalition that wrote to senators last October to oppose Becker’s nomination.

Union lawyers have dismissed the business groups’ concerns in the past, saying such a board ruling would come under heavy legal challenge and only legislation changing labor law would allow the card-check process to take place.

Other commentators sympathetic to labor, however, are less dismissive.  In the Huffington Post's coverage of the nomination debate, Dmitri Iglitzin and Steven Hill write:

To understand what is at stake, it's necessary to understand the potential power of the NLRB, a little-known administrative agency with broad authority over labor matters. The president appoints and the Senate confirms members to this body, and an NLRB on which Obama appointees constitute a majority could overturn a number of key decisions issued by the Bush administration-appointed board. Most legal scholars and labor experts believe that the NLRB has the authority to enact procedural changes that could, among other things:

* drastically shorten the time frame for holding union elections;

* eliminate cumbersome pre-election procedures that allow employers to dispute who is eligible to vote in such elections;

* require the employer to turn over employee names, addresses and phone numbers early in any union organizing drive;

* require equal access to both workers and the workplace for unions during campaigns; and

* increase the penalties on companies that violate their workers' legal rights.

The NLRB even could make it easier for workers to unionize based on a card check showing of majority support--just as the EFCA would. It could force employers to recognize a union as the representative of its employees so long as a neutral third party verified that more than 50 percent of those employees had signed a written statement expressing a desire to be represented by that union. That's a fairer way for workers to become unionized than the current cumbersome and flawed NLRB election process, which is often abused by employers who threaten retaliation against their workers.

Other commentary on the issue:

 

Bloomberg News: Retailers Restate Reservations About EFCA as 2010 Approaches

Bloomberg News today runs a report "'Stay Union-Free' Pushed by Target, Michaels as Obama Law Looms."  There is no real new information in the piece, but the following passages refer to the current approach of the retailers mentioned in the headline:  

Minneapolis-based Target, the second-biggest U.S. discount retailer, updated its anti-union video for employee training to explain the consequences of the bill, company spokeswoman Donna Egan said in an e-mailed statement.

“If proposed labor relations legislation is adopted, allowing third-party involvement or interruptions to our business, our business could be impacted,” Michaels Stores of Irving, Texas, the world’s largest arts-and-crafts retailer, said in its earnings filing this month.

As long noted, once the debate over healthcare legislation is completed, the Congress is expected to take up EFCA once again.

EFCA Debate Likely to Resume in 2010

Back in August, AFL-CIO President (then Treasurer-Secretary) Richard Trumka told a webchat audience that efforts to pass the Employee Free Choice Act would probably not advance any further until after Congress was through with healthcare reform.  As the debate over the healthcare legislation soldiers on, Tuesday's Politico noted "For labor, there's always next year":

To be sure, health care reform has been a goal of union leaders for a long time, and they are still working with Congress to win passage. But labor’s top priority — passage of the Employee Free Choice Act — was in trouble almost the moment the Democrats were sworn in, stalled by the unexpectedly long effort to fill their filibuster-proof Senate roster.

 

First, labor advocates had to wait until the contested Senate race in Minnesota was settled and Democrat Al Franken was seated. Then the death of Sen. Ted Kennedy (D-Mass.) caused further delay.

 

Backers of the bill are hoping it will re-emerge as a congressional priority once health care moves from center stage. But even then, it’s unclear whether Sen. Tom Harkin (D-Iowa) has been able to hash out language acceptable to the moderates and conservatives in his caucus — a task made all the more difficult by the looming midterm elections.

 

Still, labor advocates remain hopeful.

There has been nothing reported about specific conversations on alternative approaches to the bill since September, but President Trumka remains committed to resuming the push in 2010, as he expressed during another webchat on Tuesday.

Canadian Labour Journal Seeks To Rebut EFCA Opponents Criticisms Of Canadian Experience

Just Labour: A Canadian Journal of Work and Society is published by York University's Centre for Research on Work and Society (CRWS).  An editorial committee of academics and union officials puts the journal out a few times a year.  The most recent edition is dedicated entirely to the Employee Free Choice Act, and more specifically, the representation of the Canadian card check experience in connection with the debate.  Just Labour explains its intent is to: 

 

provide a more balanced and factual representation of Canada’s labour market experience (including the role and effectiveness of collective bargaining structures here) than has been forthcoming so far in the highly politicized U.S. debate.

 

 

The volume contains a pro-union “Open statement by Canadian scholars on unionization and the economic and social well-being of Canadians,” and numerous academic pieces divided into three sections. The first section contains articles which review the study released by Dr. Anne Layne-Farrar in March 2009 which suggested that EFCA would drive up unemployment in the U.S. The second section includes two articles on Quebec’s experience with card-check and first-contract arbitration. The third section contains five additional pieces regarding the links between unionization and other socio-economic concerns in the Canadian context.

 

This volume is certain to play a role in the debate over American labor law reform once the conversation resumes.

The Hill: Dem Senators Back Off Specter's Announcement of EFCA Deal

Kevin Bogardus of The Hill remains one of the most active reporters on the status of the Employee Free Choice Act.  His piece this morning compiles the commentary of numerous Democrat lawmakers seeking to mitigate Senator Arlen Specter's (D-PA) assurances to the AFL-CIO that an alternative EFCA bill had been finalized and would pass in 2009.  Confirming an earlier report by the National Association of Manufacturers Shopfloor Twitter feed, Senator Tom Carper (D-DE) indicates in the piece that there have been no formal talks on the union bill since July, and, that moderate Democrats have not been involved in discussions.

Other remarks from the piece:

  • Senator Carper:

“As they say, frank and honest discussion. I think we have made real progress and narrowed somewhat of the differences between organized labor and the business community. We are not quite there yet. My hope is we will finish what we have started.”

  • Senator Harry Reid (D-NV):

Asked about any deal on the bill, Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) said,” I’m not aware of any.”

  • Senator Dick Durbin (D-IL):

Majority Whip Dick Durbin (D-Ill.) said the same, calling the issue “a work in progress” and saying he expects the Democrats’ lead negotiator, Sen. Tom Harkin (D-Iowa), will inform Democrats when a deal is reached.
 

“It’s been in progress for months,” Durbin said. “I think if they ever reach common agreement, they’ll notify us and then we will take it from there.”
 

And confirming Carper's assessment of the "Centrist Democrat" involvement in these talks:

“Nothing final, to my knowledge, has been finalized, but I know members from both sides have been working on, I guess, a compromise,” said Sen. Mary Landrieu (D-La.).
 

Sen. Kay Hagan (D-N.C.) was surprised to hear the issue was being revived. “From what I understood, the whole card-check issue was dead,” Hagan said.
 

And Sen. Blanche Lincoln (D-Ark.), who faces reelection in 2010 and said earlier this year she would oppose the bill, said she is unaware of any changes. “I haven’t heard or seen anything yet,” Lincoln said.

Senator Specter to AFL-CIO: We'll Pass Bill For Quick Elections, Union Access, Baseball Arbitration and Triple Penalties Against Employers in 2009

During the past few days a virtual parade of high-ranking Democrats have addressed the AFL-CIO constitutional convention to pledge support for organized labor and the Employee Free Choice Act.  President Obama, Secretary of Labor Hilda Solis, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV), and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) have all spoken to the assembled union delegates.  Today, The Washington Post Capitol Briefing blog reports Senator Arlen Specter (D-PA) delivered the most interesting message regarding the Employee Free Choice Act -- namely, the conceptual contents of the revised bill which will be passed before year's end:

After his speech, Specter detailed the revised bill he has been crafting with Senate Democrats, the rough outlines of which have been trickling out for weeks. The revised measure would not include the most controversial provision -- allowing workers to organize by getting their co-workers to sign pro-union cards, instead of having to hold secret-ballot elections in the workplace. Unions argue that such elections are unfairly dominated by employer threats and intimidation, but the provision to drop the secret-ballot election has proved highly unpopular with conservative Senate Democrats.

Instead, Specter said, the bill would try to make union elections more fair by sharply limiting the time between organizers' declaration that they have enough support to call an election and the day of the vote, to reduce the potential for employer intimidation. Organizers would also be guaranteed access to workers if employers held mandatory anti-union meetings on company time. And the penalties for employers who break labor law rules would be triple what they are today.

The bill would also tweak its other major element, which has gotten less attention but is also anathema to employers -- mandatory arbitration for employers and unions who fail to reach a contract within a few months. As it stands, more than a third of newly formed unions never get a first contract and wither away, which is why labor supporters say mandatory arbitration is needed. But employers vigorously oppose having government-appointed mediators set contract terms. To allay employer concerns that unions would ask for the moon in hopes of the mediator splitting the difference, the revised bill would go with "last best offer arbitration" -- the approach used in baseball arbitration, in which the mediator has to pick one offer or the other, which encourages the negotiators to offer a reasonable deal.

Specter told reporters that he was confident that this package would get the 60 votes needed to break a filibuster -- and not one more. No Republicans would vote for the bill, he predicted, but he was sure that every Democrat would vote against a filibuster, including conservative Democrats who were very wary of the initial "card check" bill, such as Blanche Lincoln (Ark.) and Ben Nelson (Neb.) He said he had spoken with both of them and while they did not say so explicitly, he was left with the impression that they would help break a filibuster, if not vote for the bill itself.

 More coverage:

 

Citizen to Senator Specter: "That's High Pressure Salesmanship"

While Healthcare Reform seems to be dominating both the news cycle and the public consciousness recently, there are apparently still at least a few citizens concerned about EFCA.  At a town hall meeting earlier today, Senator Arlen Specter (D-PA) was met by a man who passionately expressed frustrations about EFCA.  (See video below.)  The Senator's initial response:

That bill is in the process of being negotiated.  There will not be a timeline which will be so fast that people will not have an opportunity to understand what the issue is."

Curious...  One might suggest that Senator Specter carefully parsed his words here to imply that "quickie elections" would not be a part of the "negotiated" bill.  On the other hand, given the context of the speaker's commentary, it may be that the Senator means that anything is still possible in the bill, but that the public will have "an opportunity to understand" the version of EFCA that is ultimately brought to the floor (contrary to the suggestion of some Democratic staffers not long ago).

Other points which the Senator addressed a little more directly:

  • "I think we have to maintain the secret ballot"
  • "We're trying to work thru the other facet of it on arbitration on last best offer, but we're bearing in mind the concerns and the worries you've raised."

 

Former NLRB Chairman Gould Calls For Increased Penalties, Quicker Elections and Limited Arbitration, While Criticizing Current Version of EFCA

On July 22, 2009, Rep. Zoe Lofgren (D-CA) entered an extension of remarks into the Congressional Record in support of the Employee Free Choice Act.  Rep. Lofgren submitted a July 20, 2009 speech by former NLRB Chairman William B. Gould IV to the 58th Annual Conference of the Association of Labor Relations Agencies.

Chairman Gould served on the NLRB during the Clinton administration, and is a Stanford University law professor emeritus. He also has long been a critic of EFCA as currently drafted, while remaining an outspoken voice in favor of significant labor law reform. His comments earlier this week continue to reflect that position:

This significant legislative proposal warrants dispassionate examination in an arena which has been too frequently divided and polarized. My sense is that the bill even with proper amendments—and I am quite confident that if it is enacted it will be amended—will have a considerable impact on the workplace. EFCA and labor law reform contain some of the assumptions that I have held for more than four decades, i.e., that the Act is plagued with lethargic enforcement, creaky and convoluted administrative procedures and ineffective remedies, that it is not working well and that, as a result, some employees who wish to join unions are unable to do so.

As talk of “compromise” or alternatives emanate from Washington, Chairman Gould’s is likely to become a more important voice -- should EFCA’s proponents have any serious interest in truly intelligent and “dispassionate examination” of the issues involved. Chairman Gould’s prior criticisms of EFCA have consistently focused on Sections 2 and 3 -- the card-check and interest arbitration provisions.  But regarding Section 4, which would increase penalties against employers during organizing efforts and negotiations, Chairman Gould said:

I think that the Employee Free Choice Act is right on the mark in establishing a treble damage award for back pay. For too long, an award of back pay minus interim earnings has been regarded by everyone involved on all sides as a license fee for employer misconduct because back pay is cheaper than a union contract.

 

EFCA also provides for fines up to $20,000 for each employer violation as well as new contempt sanctions. And again, I think that the new law has it right in expanding and making more effective the Board’s injunctive authority for employer unfair labor practices—in much the same manner that the statute has established them for union unfair labor practices since the Taft-Hartley amendments.

Regarding the remainder of the bill, however, Chairman Gould still believes “there is much more room for debate.” Reiterating that he finds card-check an inferior method of selection, he endorses the current thoughts being circulated regarding quicker elections:

The answer here is to both expedite elections—to require that they be held within a couple of weeks of the union’s petition, as is done in the provinces of Ontario and British Columbia—and to reverse Supreme Court precedent excluding non-employee union organizers from company premises so that they can carry their side of the message to employees more effectively in the run-up to the ballot itself.

Likewise, Chairman Gould suggests that mandatory interest arbitration as a default proposition for all new bargaining relationships is over-reaching:

However, EFCA-sponsored interest arbitration, in contrast to the grievance or rights variety, is relatively untested in the private sector in the United States. In Canada, which has first contract arbitration in most provinces, the process is rare and used sparingly (except in Manitoba where it is automatic after a specific time period). The conundrum is that the potential for a mechanism like this must be available to rescue bargaining which is at a stall, and yet its mere availability can undermine the collective bargaining process itself which is furthered by the Act.

 

The proper approach here, it seems to me, is to provide that the mediator—perhaps in consultation with the NLRB itself—should certify after extensive mediatory efforts that collective bargaining is either at an impasse or dysfunctional. As it presently stands, EFCA simply allows for arbitration to be invoked after three months of collective bargaining and subsequent mediation. Not only is this period of time too abbreviated, but by spelling out a specific period of time after which arbitration is automatic, it encourages the parties to maneuver in anticipation of arbitration in a way which can erode the voluntary collective bargaining process. Moreover, this approach fails to take into account the fact that both sides are frequently learning for the first time as they put together their very first collective bargaining agreement.

 

Arbitration must be used sparingly, although it should remain available in the final analysis so as to shore up a relationship which might otherwise disappear.

Chairman Gould concluded his presentation with a number of additional reform recommendations -- encouraging NLRB rule-making; unfreezing jurisdictional guidelines; allowing expansion of state labor law; eliminating batching of NLRB appointees; and reducing the size of the Board, while extending terms and barring re-appointment.   A thorough read of this piece by all serious management representatives, advocates or attorneys is a must.

More on Card Check "Lite" from Commentary, kausfiles and ShopFloor

More following Friday's New York Times report that Senate Dems are considering dropping card-check from EFCA, but retaining the troubling mandatory interest arbitration provision. 

At Commentary, Jennifer Rubin continues her coverage of EFCA developments, expressing skepticism that any such "compromise" would fly: 

If there is such a deal, those Red state Democrats will be back on the hot seat. With unemployment heading for double-digits, will they vote for “card check lite”? So long as Big Labor is proposing that government-appointed arbitrators would have the power to set terms and conditions of employment for first labor agreements and that employers’ right to control their private property be sacrificed, you can expect a battle royale, including a filibuster from opponents.

Following up, at Slate, Mickey Kaus hits the nail on the head, laying out a critique of interest arbitration we included in our earlier white paper on EFCA:

Opponents may need to come up with a new name for the bill (though "card check" was working pretty well for them). How about "federal pay determination"?  Keep in mind that not only does the apparent "compromise" propose abandoning the hoary idea that wages should be set in the marketplace, it also abandons the New Deal's substitute idea that wages should be set in labor contest where unions threaten to use their strike power and management threatens to survive a strike. Unions seem to have given up strikes. Instead they want to authorize an official--maybe even an actual federal bureaucrat--to simply swoop down and impose what would undoubtedly be a wage increase. That's more akin to FDR's notorious, failed National Recovery Act--except the NRA at least let industries set their own rigid wage scales.  ...

Note also that the arbitration provisions give now-unorganized workers a new, powerful incentive to unionize: Vote for the union, wait a few months, and an arbitrator will fly in and give you a raise. No strike. No fuss. No muss.

Kaus includes a link to his April piece wherein he recommended that business and other opponents begin to think of their own elements for inclusion in any labor law reform bill.  Well worth repeated reads now.

Finally, at NAM's Shopfloor.org, Carter Wood articulates an interesting possibility:

Here’s a theory, admittedly paranoid and probably giving labor too much credit: The NYT story represents a two-part jujitsu strategy by labor. Labor claims outrage at this “compromise,” but the removal of card check prompts business to emphasize how toxic the binding arbitration provisions are. THEN, labor agrees to drop binding arbitration too, leaving business sputtering about how the remaining legislation is still bad but struggling to articulate why. With business politically neutered, the Senate passes a bill with ambush elections, a gag on employer involvement in the election process, and increased penalties. Unions still wind up with a new ability to intimidate employees into joining unions and an election process slanted toward labor.

AFL-CIO Official Undermines Argument for Card Check, Mandatory Arbitration

Today's Chamberpost blog carries commentary on a series of somewhat embarassing admissions by the Director of Collective Bargaining for the AFL-CIO that undermine the coalition's main talking points in favor of the Employee Free Choice Act:

... According to Daily Labor Report, the labor conglomerate’s director of collective bargaining, Gordon Pavy, told a policy forum that the bill’s passage would allow his organization to "refocus on organizing."

Hold it a second.  Refocus?  Hasn’t this already been a central focus of the labor movement?  Pavy’s comment reveals what we’ve known all along: organized labor has let its organizing efforts lapse in favor of using the political process to bolster its ranks by rigging the rules. 

Perhaps the more troubling admission:

On the issue of concluding first contracts, Pavy also revealed that "the AFL-CIO does not currently have a program to train members in how to negotiate collective bargaining agreements."  Huh?  A favorite talking point of EFCA supporters is that they can’t get contracts because employers drag out negotiations. Perhaps unions would seal the deal on more contracts if they made training negotiators a priority. 

Instead, unions want binding first contract arbitration so they always get a contract no matter what they demand at the bargaining table.  But, Pavy detailed the squeeze this would create on negotiating parties: 

"Bargaining must commence 10 days after [union authorization cards are signed]," Pavy said. "It takes a lot of work to prepare for bargaining.  It takes even more work when you’re dealing with the prospect of possibly going to arbitration."

We’ve said all along that negotiating for a first contract can be a difficult process that takes time.  Nice that the AFL-CIO agrees. But as they admit, setting up a race against the clock makes that process even more difficult, guaranteeing that most negotiations will wind up in arbitration.

Sen. Specter Tells PA Dem Committee, Labor: "You'll Like My Vote"

The latest on EFCA swing-vote Sen. Arlen Specter via the Allentown Morning Call's Pennsylvania Avenue blog:

Sen. Arlen Specter, addressing a crowd of union activists outside of the Democratic Committee meeting in Pittsburgh on Saturday, urged them to look at the breadth of his job-producing past and votes alongside labor when considering who they'll back for Senate in 2010.

But with the crowd of a couple hundred solely focused on the Employee Free Choice Act, Specter pleaded with some more hostile activists that they'll be happy with his vote on the union organizing bill.

"I understand," Specter said after one member of the crowd shouted "You want my vote, I want your vote."

"I believe you'll be satisfied with my vote on this issue," Specter said.

At The Weekly Standard, John McCormack posts:

When Specter announced his opposition to EFCA in March, he came out against both the card-check and binding arbitration provisions.   . . .   I'd be surprised if a watered-down EFCA bill didn't include some sort of binding arbitration provision, so be prepared for another unsurprisingly shameless Specter flip-flop.

Similarly, at National Review Online's The Corner, former NLRB Member Peter Kirsanow suggests:

. . . It's highly unlikely Labor would be "satisfied" with any version of EFCA that doesn't exponentially improve the odds of unionization. It's also unlikely that Labor would be "satisfied" with a bill that doesn't have some form of mandatory arbitration.  

When Franken is seated, Specter will be the magical 60th vote for cloture on EFCA. Specter knows that if he derails a version of the bill satisfactory to Labor, he may well derail his prospects in the Democratic primary. Therefore, Specter may be signaling support for a bill that contains quickie elections and equal access, as well as a modified form of mandatory arbitration — perhaps one triggered by bargaining delays.

More:

WSJ: Senator Specter Floats Alternative Proposals

The Wall Street Journal reports that Senator Arlen Specter (D-PA) is testing the waters by suggesting two possible alternative components to the Employee Free Choice Act:

Under a potential compromise on the contentious subject of secret-ballot elections, workers could mail in ballots during union elections instead of the bill's current provision in which workers would sign cards collected by union organizers. The compromise approach would theoretically preserve privacy and reduce opportunities for coercion by union organizers and employers.

The second change would restrict the use of arbitrators in contract negotiations to situations in which the two sides fail to reach agreement on their last and best offer. The current version of the bill calls for automatic arbitration after 120 days.

To be sure, these two proposals differ from Sections 2 and 3 of the current version of EFCA.  Yet they still suffer from the same significant flaws as the current bill.  Perhaps that is why business interests were so quick to react:

"We continue to stand in support of the right of workers to have a secret ballot and the right to vote on contracts without interference from government bureaucrats," said Katie Packer, executive director of the Workforce Fairness Institute, a business-backed nonprofit that opposes the Employee Free Choice Act,

Senator Specter's "mail-in" proposal is curious, as it is something that was not included among the many alternative elements suggested by the Senator in his March 24th statement on the Senate floor.  Moreover, earlier reports had Senator Specter's colleague Sen. Tom Harkin (D-IA) pushing an expedited time-frame for secret ballot elections as a possible alternative to card-check.

More details are certain to emerge in the coming days, as Democrats continue to try to find some common ground on an alternative bill capable of gathering 60 votes in the Senate.

More on EFCA's Mandatory Interest Arbitration

More comment from around the web regarding today's news that Senator Harkin's (D-IA) EFCA compromise efforts appear to maintain some form of mandatory interest arbitration in the bill.  Elsewhere in today's Wall Street Journal, former Senator George McGovern expands upon his previously stated opposition to EFCA, taking exception to the arbitration provisions:

My perspective on the so-called Employee Free Choice Act is informed by life experience. After leaving the Senate in 1981, I spent some time running a hotel. It was an eye-opening introduction to something most business operators are all-too familiar with -- the difficulty of controlling costs and setting prices in a weak economy. Despite my trust in government, I would have been alarmed by an outsider taking control of basic management decisions that determine success or failure in a business where I had invested my life savings.

When it comes to labor disputes, both parties should be guaranteed a real chance for compromise under the joint economic threat of contract breakdowns. George Meany, president of the AFL-CIO for nearly 30 years before retiring in 1979, had it right in condemning mandatory arbitration as "an abrogation of freedom."  

ShopFloor.org expands upon McGovern's piece:

Organized labor regards the right of the worker to withhold his labor as almost sacred, a core principle they fought to defend and write into law. And now labor’s leaders want to abandon that principle under the guise of “free choice.”

It’s hard to believe that the rank and file really want to surrender their rights just because labor bosses tell them to.

Finally, Diana Furchtgott-Roth of the Hudson Institute writes:

Binding arbitration could have even more pernicious consequences than ending the secret ballot. It would allow an undefined arbitration board, appointed by the Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service, itself headed by a political appointee, to set compensation packages for firms and workers that they would be forced to accept.

Unlike voluntary arbitration, the parties would not have an opportunity to choose members of the panel, nor would they have recourse to a higher authority, such as the courts, if they were dissatisfied with the results. Workers could be required to accept lower salaries and less vacation than they could get elsewhere, and firms could be forced into unproductive agreements that could eventually lead to bankruptcy.

With just a few lines of legislative language, Congress would revoke for newly-organized firms the principle of free collective bargaining—that employers and unions may walk away from a contract they find unsatisfactory.

WSJ: Sen. Harkin Shopping EFCA Compromise; 21-Day Elections, More Mediation

The Wall Street Journal reports that Senators are busy working on a compromise version of EFCA that would drop the bill's card-check provision in favor of an expedited secret ballot election process.  The report indicates:

Compromise talks are being led by Sen. Tom Harkin (D., Iowa), the bill's lead sponsor in the Senate. Kate Cyrul, a spokeswoman for Mr. Harkin, declined to comment on details of the compromise being discussed. But she said the senator "remains confident that we can address these issues without compromising the core provisions of the bill."

Among the changes being discussed are dropping the card-signing provision and setting a 21-day deadline for an election to be held -- about the half the median of 40 days that union elections currently take, according to people familiar with the talks. An aide for Mr. Specter said the senator is "generally supportive" of the idea that an election must be held within 21 days if the employer wants a secret ballot.

This is consistent with reports from late March which had Sen. Harkin approaching moderate Republicans to attempt to reach consensus on an approach to labor law reform.  A shortened election period is an alternative element about which we speculated in our February 2009 white paper, "The Employee Free Choice Act in the 111th Congress".

According to this new WSJ report, however, mandatory interest arbitration may still be on the table in some form:

Another compromise relates to contract negotiations. The bill currently calls for arbitrators to set contracts if an employer and a new union fail to agree within 120 days. Under a compromise, mediators -- rather than arbitrators -- would play a bigger role in helping the sides negotiate a contract. Arbitrators could still be used to rule on certain contract provisions after both sides failed to agree.

Unions of course will remain insistent that mandatory arbitration remain in the final bill, as it provides them a safety net for failure to obtain a contract otherwise.  While much of the attention devoted so far to EFCA has been critical of the bill's card-check provisions, commentators are starting to point out the flaws of the arbitration provision as well.  But beyond the practical objections to government arbitrators setting wages, benefits and terms of employment for private employers, the mandatory interest arbitration provision is entirely antithetical to the very essence of American labor law. 

The collective bargaining process was always intended as a balancing between the parties in a free economic market.  At all times during the process, the employees and/or their union representative retain the right to engage in economic pressure – to withhold their labor by means of a strike – in an effort to persuade the employer to modify its positions. But voluntary agreement has always been the most fundamental component of collective bargaining. Indeed, Samuel Gompers, founder of the American Federation of Labor and a father of the American labor movement, said: “The whole gospel of the labor movement is summed up in one phrase... freedom of contract -- organized labor not only accepts, but, insists upon, equality of rights and of freedom.”  EFCA's interest arbitration provisions are a radical and inappropriate departure from those principles.

No word in the WSJ piece on whether Sen. Harkin is including EFCA's remedial provisions and increased penalties against employers in his compromise discussions as well.

More coverage and comment:

Pro-EFCA Group Using Twitter To Deceive Readers Into Signing Petition

Perhaps providing EFCA's critics a prime example of the type of deception card-check organizing can subject workers to, The Hill reports that American Rights at Work is "using tags on Twitter to con opponents of the legislation into signing a petition supporting it."   According to The Hill:

The misleading campaign first showed up on Saturday, when EFCANow posted to its Twitter account: "Join @newtgingrich @sanuzis in signing the EFCA Freedom Not Fear petition," followed by a website.

Since Saturday, nearly a dozen entries into the group's Twitter feed mention Gingrich, the general chairman of American Solutions, and Anuzis, who heads American Solutions' anti-EFCA campaign.

Elsewhere, the article notes:

Twitter has become a popular platform for groups on both sides of EFCA — also called card-check — debate. The Service Employees International Union (SEIU), AFL-CIO and Communications Workers of America are all using the site to send brief messages to supporters, while those opposed to the bill are rallying their troops as well.

While not mentioned in The Hill piece, one can follow all the updates featured here on EFCA Report via our Twitter feed

A final interesting political tidbit via The Hill, but apparently reported initially via Twitter:

SEIU chief Andy Stern on Sunday used his Twitter account to call Rep. Joe Sestak (D-Pa.) "impressive" and to reveal that he would meet with Sestak on Monday.

Sestak is considering challenging Sen. Arlen Specter (D-Pa.), who bolted the Republican Party last week, in next year's Democratic primary. Though unions have held out hope that the new Democrat will change his mind, Specter has said he will not vote for EFCA. Sestak is an original co-sponsor of the bill.

Of course, Rep. Sestak (D-PA) is also one of the first to have introduced an alternative to EFCA.  On March 5th, with little fanfare or attention, he introduced the National Labor Relations Modernization Act (H.R. 1355).  This law would:

  1. provide for mandatory arbitration following a 120-day mediation period, if after an initial 120 days of bargaining failed to result in an agreement;
  2. increase penalties against employers (similarly to EFCA's proposed changes); and
  3. require an employer to provide equal access to the employees to union organizers once an election is ordered.

So, it would seem both these men have at times supported EFCA, and also recognized the potential for some alternative labor law reform proposals.  It should make for interesting primary season discourse, to say the least.

Commentary Magazine: Preparation for "EFCA Lite"

Jennifer Rubin asks at Commentary Magazine's blog whether the groups that opposed EFCA are as well prepared to confront a "lite" version of the bill offered as compromise.  Her excellent post suggests these strategic possibilities:

... There are a couple avenues which they haven’t yet explored, in large part because they were able to beat back EFCA by focusing on the prospect of losing the secret ballot and the huge problems (legal and economic ) with mandatory arbitration.

The first is to back bipartisan reform. Enshrine in statute and enforce the Bush era measures combating union corruption and requiring financial disclosure, make proposed fines for unfair labor practices apply to both unions and employers, and ensure that whatever time limits on elections and access to employer premises (or email) which are required for employers also apply to union decertification elections and union premises (or email), respectively. That might either scare off Big Labor or, if not, maintain the traditional balance between labor and management that has been a hallmark of federal labor law for decades.

The second is to go after the premise that any of this is needed at all. EFCA has been a solution in search of a problem, resting on the questionable notion that unions are losing “market share” not because of worldwide trends against unionization or  because  of younger worker’s lack of affinity for unions but because of nefarious actions by employers. This requires some sober discussion and fact-finding hearings, which may not be in the offing in a Democratic-controlled Congress where the hearings are likely to be stacked heavily in favor of pro-union witnesses. Nevertheless, business groups would be wise to start educating lawmakers and the public if they want to burst the myth that the solution to Big Labor’s woes is more federal legislation

EFCA Round-Up: Thursday, April 16, 2009

At the Enlightened Despot blog, Akhbar the Great cautions people against ignoring the full import of the Employee Free Choice Act, while getting caught up in rhetorical abbreviations.  AtG would not refer to EFCA simply as "card check":

And this isn’t just a technicality. Other countries have a card check policy, but they of course don’t have EFCA on the books - it’s a proposed American law. Meanwhile, EFCA contains a lot of significant measures unrelated to card check. Indeed, card check itself is becoming increasingly irrelevant - there is simply no reason to think Democrats can put together 60 Senate votes for any bill that includes it, at least not until after the 2010 midterms.

At this point, the policy to watch is mandatory binding arbitration. Mandatory binding arbitration would require management and a newly formed union to enter a binding arbitration process for a two-year contract if the two sides are unable to come to terms on their own. The major compromise bills that have been introduced contain neither mandatory arbitration nor card check, and are about as popular with labor as Japanese car companies. Meanwhile, anti-labor types are worried that Democrats are planning to drop card check as a compromise for enacting mandatory binding arbitration.

The Truth About the EFCA blog carries a Columbus Dispatch story which it asserts highlights the dangers of card-check organizing:

An Ohio union organizer has been fired after he was caught forging documents to deduct money from public employees' wages to pay for political activity, the Service Employees International Union said yesterday.

Becky Williams, president of the SEIU District 1199, said she thinks this is an isolated incident, but the union is continuing to investigate.

More:

 

Highlights from Senate Republican Committee Hearing

 

The Senate Republican Committee held a hearing yesterday to voice opposition to the Employee Free Choice Act (H.R. 1409, S. 560).  Talk Radio News Service today carries the following quotes from participating Senators:

  • Senator Orrin Hatch (R-Utah):  “It represents a sea-change in labor-management relations that has developed since the 1930s…. EFCA would effectively deny workers a secret ballot vote on the question of union representation, and there is no choice for workers to make in the matter.”
  • Senator Bob Bennett (R-Utah):  "When you have a secret ballot election, unions have won 68% of them, which means that by 2 to 1 circumstance, employees get what they want if they want a union.” 
  • Senator Jim Risch (R-Idaho): “We have in place in America laws that have governed union organization and collective bargaining for many years. We have a fair system and we have a level playing field…. What we have in front of us is a bill that is unfair. It is a bill that unlevels the playing field, and it is a bill that overreaches. We don’t need this in America today.”

Shopfloor.org has linked to the statement of former U.S. Department of Labor Solicitor Eugene Scalia who questioned the constitutionality of the legislation.  After expressing concerns about the card-check provisions, Scalia criticized the mandatory interest arbitration provisions:

To appreciate some of the problems that could result from rules for a business being written by someone who does not know the business well, consider the problems in the text of the EFCA mandatory arbitration provision itself. This provision would be the most important change in labor law in 60 years or more, yet its vagueness would sow confusion and litigation. Who will the arbitrators be? How will they be selected, and by whom? How would the arbitrators go about deciding the contract terms, and what knowledge of the company and industry would they bring to the task? If the arbitrator writes a terrible, one-sided contract—as has happened in other jurisdictions with “interest” arbitration—what opportunity would there be to get it reviewed by a court, and what legal standard would the court apply?

 

Text of the Employee Free Choice Act of 2009

The text of EFCA 2009 as introduced by Rep. George Miller (D-CA) is identical to the version of the bill which failed to pass in 2007 as H.R. 800.  The text of the bill is available here.

And here is the link to the MLA White Paper which reviews the bill's various provisions, includes a critical analysis, outlines its prospects in 2009, and identifies some potential alternative elements of labor law reform.

Update (3/10; 9:00 p.m.) We've attached the text of the National Labor Relations Act with EFCA's proposed amendments in context, available here.

Update (3/11; 10:00 a.m.):  The bill number in the House is H.R. 1409.

Hawaii State Senate Comitteee Approves State Version of EFCA

Last week, we reported on numerous efforts underway to create state-level obstacles to federal card-check legislation.  On the other side of the issue, yesterday's Pacific Business News reports that a Hawaiian Senate Committee has approved a state version of EFCA:

The controversial union card-check measure, which would allow Hawaii labor unions to more easily organize workers by having them sign authorization cards, is gaining ground having cleared its initial committee hearings in the state Senate.

The Senate Committee on Judiciary and Government Operations on Thursday passed Senate Bill 1621, which essentially removes the use of traditional secret-ballot elections by allowing employees to sign cards indicating they’d like to organize under a labor union. If a majority of a company’s workers sign the cards, the union is automatically recognized and free to bargain with management.

The measure also mandates binding arbitration in collective bargaining and removes private-property rights for business owners if the unions want to picket on sidewalks and near entry ways of their establishments. It also establishes legal immunity for unions in actions relating to collective bargaining.

An initial read of the bill indicates that the Hawaiian EFCA is identical in some respects to the federal bill, but includes more drastic measures as well.  A similar bill passed the Hawaiian legislature last year, but was vetoed by Gov. Linda Lingle (R).

It should be interesting to see whether additional states -- similarly viewed as union-friendly -- introduce or pass similar legislation during the next few months.  It may be that long before EFCA is re-introduced in Congress, we have seen numerous related debates play out regarding state opposition measures, state mini-EFCA's and the Secret Ballot Protection Act (H.R. 1176, S. 478).

More information: