Senator Lincoln (D-AR) Declines to Debate Challenger Until He States Position on EFCA

The run-off primary election between Senator Blanche Lincoln (D-AR) and challenger Lt. Gov. Bill Halter (D-AR) is one of the primary elections most closely tracked by EFCA watchers.  Senator Lincoln prominently announced she would not be supporting cloture on the bill back in March 2009, soon after Sen. Arlen Specter (then R-PA) made a similar announcement.  These declarations were seen as the begining of the end for EFCA's prospects in 2009.  Unions and organized labor groups roundly criticized Sen. Lincoln, opening the door for Lt. Gov. Halter's challenge.  Politico now reports that Sen. Lincoln has declined to debate Lt. Gov. Halter until he states a clear position on EFCA: 

“My stand on this legislation is the reason the D.C. unions are in Arkansas spending nearly $10 million attacking me and misrepresenting my record," Lincoln said in a statement. "Arkansans know my record, and they deserve to know where Bill stands. If we are going to debate the issues, we both have to be willing to take a stand on the issues."

 

There were three debates prior to the May 18 primary, in which Lincoln edged Halter but failed to reach the 50 percent required to avoid a June 8 runoff election.  Says Politico:

 

In each debate, Halter has avoided a direct answer on the Employee Free Choice Act — legislation that would make it easier for workers to form unions — by saying the bill is no longer politically viable.

 

“The Employee Free Choice Act, or card check, as it has been called, is really no longer operative. If you talk to labor leaders or management leaders, that's no longer on the table,” he said during the April 23 KATV debate.

 

"Card check's not going to be brought back on the table. It's really just that simple,” he said one day later at a debate before The Associated Press in Little Rock, later adding that he supports “speedier elections and more rigorous enforcement of free elections.”
 

SEIU's Anna Burger Suggests Reconciliation, NLRB Rule-Making to Push EFCA

Following Andy Stern's surprising announcement that he would step down as President of SEIU, his protege, Secretary-Treasurer Anna Burger and California-based labor leader, Mary Kay Henry seek to succeed him.  This weekend, in a memorandum to the union's International Executive Board, Ms. Burger laid out her vision for the priorities she would have the union pursue.  Listed within the first:

Use smart strategies to push the laborfriendly majority on the NLRB to level the playing field and make it easier to organize through regulation and reconciliation to make quick elections and first contract arbitration the law of the land.

And finally we must face up to the challenge of rebuilding our ability to win traditional NLRB organizing campaigns, as well as exploring new models for organizing the private/private sector where millions of workers, not dependent on shrinking public dollars live on poverty wages in SEIU strongholds.

The first point is likely to raise eyebrows among EFCA-watchers who have recently heard mixed, but generally negative, assessments of the bill's current prospects.

The second point is perhaps more interesting.  A few years ago, when EFCA, card-check/neutrality and corporate campaigns seemed ascendant, the rejection of traditional organizing methods was a primary pillar in the SEIU's break from the AFL-CIO and formation of Change to Win.  This endorsement of a renewed commitment to NLRB processes by the SEIU's probable future leader -- obviously now that there is a former SEIU attorney sitting on the Board -- is notable indeed.

Cross-posted at LaborRelationsToday

Meyerson in WaPo: EFCA is Dead

The morning after the cloture vote failed on the nomination of Craig Becker to the National Labor Relations Board, harsh observations regarding EFCA's prospects from Washington Post columnist Harold Meyerson: "Under Obama, labor should have made more progress".  Calling the Obama administration's first year an "unmitigated disaster" for labor, Meyerson writes:

For the unions, the Senate's inability to pass EFCA is devastating and galling. Democratic senators had developed a compromise proposal that would have jettisoned the controversial "card check" process -- by which unions could be organized without a secret ballot -- in favor of expediting the election process (so that management couldn't delay for months, or even years, employees' votes on whether to unionize) and stiffening the penalties for violating the rules that govern election conduct.

The compromise had a shot at winning all 60 Democratic votes. The unions, which spent more than $300 million in the 2008 elections on Democrats' behalf, wanted a vote on EFCA last year, but Obama and Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid asked them to wait until health reform had passed. (Their requests for confirmation votes on NLRB appointees were similarly delayed.)

By my count, this marks the fourth time in the past half-century that labor's efforts to strengthen workers' ability to organize have been deferred by the Democratic presidents and the heavily Democratic Congresses they supported. In 1965, about the only piece of Great Society legislation not enacted was the repeal of the Taft-Hartley Act provision that gave states the power to block unions from claiming as members all the employees in workplaces where they had won contracts. In 1979, as American management was beginning to invest heavily in union-busting endeavors, the first effort to reform labor law failed to win cloture in the Senate by one vote as President Jimmy Carter stood idly by. In 1994, President Bill Clinton responded to a similar labor-backed effort by appointing a commission to recommend changes in labor law to the next Congress -- which turned out to be run by Newt Gingrich. And last year, by asking his labor supporters to wait, Obama ensured -- unintentionally, of course -- that the next effort to revive organizing must wait until the next overwhelmingly Democratic Congress.

With the recess appointment of Becker still a viable option for the White House, the President's ability to issue Executive Orders, and the possibility of additional discussions regarding an alternative EFCA bill, it certainly might not yet be as final as that.

EFCA Debate Likely to Resume in 2010

Back in August, AFL-CIO President (then Treasurer-Secretary) Richard Trumka told a webchat audience that efforts to pass the Employee Free Choice Act would probably not advance any further until after Congress was through with healthcare reform.  As the debate over the healthcare legislation soldiers on, Tuesday's Politico noted "For labor, there's always next year":

To be sure, health care reform has been a goal of union leaders for a long time, and they are still working with Congress to win passage. But labor’s top priority — passage of the Employee Free Choice Act — was in trouble almost the moment the Democrats were sworn in, stalled by the unexpectedly long effort to fill their filibuster-proof Senate roster.

 

First, labor advocates had to wait until the contested Senate race in Minnesota was settled and Democrat Al Franken was seated. Then the death of Sen. Ted Kennedy (D-Mass.) caused further delay.

 

Backers of the bill are hoping it will re-emerge as a congressional priority once health care moves from center stage. But even then, it’s unclear whether Sen. Tom Harkin (D-Iowa) has been able to hash out language acceptable to the moderates and conservatives in his caucus — a task made all the more difficult by the looming midterm elections.

 

Still, labor advocates remain hopeful.

There has been nothing reported about specific conversations on alternative approaches to the bill since September, but President Trumka remains committed to resuming the push in 2010, as he expressed during another webchat on Tuesday.

The Hill: Dem Senators Back Off Specter's Announcement of EFCA Deal

Kevin Bogardus of The Hill remains one of the most active reporters on the status of the Employee Free Choice Act.  His piece this morning compiles the commentary of numerous Democrat lawmakers seeking to mitigate Senator Arlen Specter's (D-PA) assurances to the AFL-CIO that an alternative EFCA bill had been finalized and would pass in 2009.  Confirming an earlier report by the National Association of Manufacturers Shopfloor Twitter feed, Senator Tom Carper (D-DE) indicates in the piece that there have been no formal talks on the union bill since July, and, that moderate Democrats have not been involved in discussions.

Other remarks from the piece:

  • Senator Carper:

“As they say, frank and honest discussion. I think we have made real progress and narrowed somewhat of the differences between organized labor and the business community. We are not quite there yet. My hope is we will finish what we have started.”

  • Senator Harry Reid (D-NV):

Asked about any deal on the bill, Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) said,” I’m not aware of any.”

  • Senator Dick Durbin (D-IL):

Majority Whip Dick Durbin (D-Ill.) said the same, calling the issue “a work in progress” and saying he expects the Democrats’ lead negotiator, Sen. Tom Harkin (D-Iowa), will inform Democrats when a deal is reached.
 

“It’s been in progress for months,” Durbin said. “I think if they ever reach common agreement, they’ll notify us and then we will take it from there.”
 

And confirming Carper's assessment of the "Centrist Democrat" involvement in these talks:

“Nothing final, to my knowledge, has been finalized, but I know members from both sides have been working on, I guess, a compromise,” said Sen. Mary Landrieu (D-La.).
 

Sen. Kay Hagan (D-N.C.) was surprised to hear the issue was being revived. “From what I understood, the whole card-check issue was dead,” Hagan said.
 

And Sen. Blanche Lincoln (D-Ark.), who faces reelection in 2010 and said earlier this year she would oppose the bill, said she is unaware of any changes. “I haven’t heard or seen anything yet,” Lincoln said.

Senator Specter to AFL-CIO: We'll Pass Bill For Quick Elections, Union Access, Baseball Arbitration and Triple Penalties Against Employers in 2009

During the past few days a virtual parade of high-ranking Democrats have addressed the AFL-CIO constitutional convention to pledge support for organized labor and the Employee Free Choice Act.  President Obama, Secretary of Labor Hilda Solis, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV), and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) have all spoken to the assembled union delegates.  Today, The Washington Post Capitol Briefing blog reports Senator Arlen Specter (D-PA) delivered the most interesting message regarding the Employee Free Choice Act -- namely, the conceptual contents of the revised bill which will be passed before year's end:

After his speech, Specter detailed the revised bill he has been crafting with Senate Democrats, the rough outlines of which have been trickling out for weeks. The revised measure would not include the most controversial provision -- allowing workers to organize by getting their co-workers to sign pro-union cards, instead of having to hold secret-ballot elections in the workplace. Unions argue that such elections are unfairly dominated by employer threats and intimidation, but the provision to drop the secret-ballot election has proved highly unpopular with conservative Senate Democrats.

Instead, Specter said, the bill would try to make union elections more fair by sharply limiting the time between organizers' declaration that they have enough support to call an election and the day of the vote, to reduce the potential for employer intimidation. Organizers would also be guaranteed access to workers if employers held mandatory anti-union meetings on company time. And the penalties for employers who break labor law rules would be triple what they are today.

The bill would also tweak its other major element, which has gotten less attention but is also anathema to employers -- mandatory arbitration for employers and unions who fail to reach a contract within a few months. As it stands, more than a third of newly formed unions never get a first contract and wither away, which is why labor supporters say mandatory arbitration is needed. But employers vigorously oppose having government-appointed mediators set contract terms. To allay employer concerns that unions would ask for the moon in hopes of the mediator splitting the difference, the revised bill would go with "last best offer arbitration" -- the approach used in baseball arbitration, in which the mediator has to pick one offer or the other, which encourages the negotiators to offer a reasonable deal.

Specter told reporters that he was confident that this package would get the 60 votes needed to break a filibuster -- and not one more. No Republicans would vote for the bill, he predicted, but he was sure that every Democrat would vote against a filibuster, including conservative Democrats who were very wary of the initial "card check" bill, such as Blanche Lincoln (Ark.) and Ben Nelson (Neb.) He said he had spoken with both of them and while they did not say so explicitly, he was left with the impression that they would help break a filibuster, if not vote for the bill itself.

 More coverage:

 

Citizen to Senator Specter: "That's High Pressure Salesmanship"

While Healthcare Reform seems to be dominating both the news cycle and the public consciousness recently, there are apparently still at least a few citizens concerned about EFCA.  At a town hall meeting earlier today, Senator Arlen Specter (D-PA) was met by a man who passionately expressed frustrations about EFCA.  (See video below.)  The Senator's initial response:

That bill is in the process of being negotiated.  There will not be a timeline which will be so fast that people will not have an opportunity to understand what the issue is."

Curious...  One might suggest that Senator Specter carefully parsed his words here to imply that "quickie elections" would not be a part of the "negotiated" bill.  On the other hand, given the context of the speaker's commentary, it may be that the Senator means that anything is still possible in the bill, but that the public will have "an opportunity to understand" the version of EFCA that is ultimately brought to the floor (contrary to the suggestion of some Democratic staffers not long ago).

Other points which the Senator addressed a little more directly:

  • "I think we have to maintain the secret ballot"
  • "We're trying to work thru the other facet of it on arbitration on last best offer, but we're bearing in mind the concerns and the worries you've raised."

 

Former NLRB Chairman Gould Calls For Increased Penalties, Quicker Elections and Limited Arbitration, While Criticizing Current Version of EFCA

On July 22, 2009, Rep. Zoe Lofgren (D-CA) entered an extension of remarks into the Congressional Record in support of the Employee Free Choice Act.  Rep. Lofgren submitted a July 20, 2009 speech by former NLRB Chairman William B. Gould IV to the 58th Annual Conference of the Association of Labor Relations Agencies.

Chairman Gould served on the NLRB during the Clinton administration, and is a Stanford University law professor emeritus. He also has long been a critic of EFCA as currently drafted, while remaining an outspoken voice in favor of significant labor law reform. His comments earlier this week continue to reflect that position:

This significant legislative proposal warrants dispassionate examination in an arena which has been too frequently divided and polarized. My sense is that the bill even with proper amendments—and I am quite confident that if it is enacted it will be amended—will have a considerable impact on the workplace. EFCA and labor law reform contain some of the assumptions that I have held for more than four decades, i.e., that the Act is plagued with lethargic enforcement, creaky and convoluted administrative procedures and ineffective remedies, that it is not working well and that, as a result, some employees who wish to join unions are unable to do so.

As talk of “compromise” or alternatives emanate from Washington, Chairman Gould’s is likely to become a more important voice -- should EFCA’s proponents have any serious interest in truly intelligent and “dispassionate examination” of the issues involved. Chairman Gould’s prior criticisms of EFCA have consistently focused on Sections 2 and 3 -- the card-check and interest arbitration provisions.  But regarding Section 4, which would increase penalties against employers during organizing efforts and negotiations, Chairman Gould said:

I think that the Employee Free Choice Act is right on the mark in establishing a treble damage award for back pay. For too long, an award of back pay minus interim earnings has been regarded by everyone involved on all sides as a license fee for employer misconduct because back pay is cheaper than a union contract.

 

EFCA also provides for fines up to $20,000 for each employer violation as well as new contempt sanctions. And again, I think that the new law has it right in expanding and making more effective the Board’s injunctive authority for employer unfair labor practices—in much the same manner that the statute has established them for union unfair labor practices since the Taft-Hartley amendments.

Regarding the remainder of the bill, however, Chairman Gould still believes “there is much more room for debate.” Reiterating that he finds card-check an inferior method of selection, he endorses the current thoughts being circulated regarding quicker elections:

The answer here is to both expedite elections—to require that they be held within a couple of weeks of the union’s petition, as is done in the provinces of Ontario and British Columbia—and to reverse Supreme Court precedent excluding non-employee union organizers from company premises so that they can carry their side of the message to employees more effectively in the run-up to the ballot itself.

Likewise, Chairman Gould suggests that mandatory interest arbitration as a default proposition for all new bargaining relationships is over-reaching:

However, EFCA-sponsored interest arbitration, in contrast to the grievance or rights variety, is relatively untested in the private sector in the United States. In Canada, which has first contract arbitration in most provinces, the process is rare and used sparingly (except in Manitoba where it is automatic after a specific time period). The conundrum is that the potential for a mechanism like this must be available to rescue bargaining which is at a stall, and yet its mere availability can undermine the collective bargaining process itself which is furthered by the Act.

 

The proper approach here, it seems to me, is to provide that the mediator—perhaps in consultation with the NLRB itself—should certify after extensive mediatory efforts that collective bargaining is either at an impasse or dysfunctional. As it presently stands, EFCA simply allows for arbitration to be invoked after three months of collective bargaining and subsequent mediation. Not only is this period of time too abbreviated, but by spelling out a specific period of time after which arbitration is automatic, it encourages the parties to maneuver in anticipation of arbitration in a way which can erode the voluntary collective bargaining process. Moreover, this approach fails to take into account the fact that both sides are frequently learning for the first time as they put together their very first collective bargaining agreement.

 

Arbitration must be used sparingly, although it should remain available in the final analysis so as to shore up a relationship which might otherwise disappear.

Chairman Gould concluded his presentation with a number of additional reform recommendations -- encouraging NLRB rule-making; unfreezing jurisdictional guidelines; allowing expansion of state labor law; eliminating batching of NLRB appointees; and reducing the size of the Board, while extending terms and barring re-appointment.   A thorough read of this piece by all serious management representatives, advocates or attorneys is a must.

More on Card Check "Lite" from Commentary, kausfiles and ShopFloor

More following Friday's New York Times report that Senate Dems are considering dropping card-check from EFCA, but retaining the troubling mandatory interest arbitration provision. 

At Commentary, Jennifer Rubin continues her coverage of EFCA developments, expressing skepticism that any such "compromise" would fly: 

If there is such a deal, those Red state Democrats will be back on the hot seat. With unemployment heading for double-digits, will they vote for “card check lite”? So long as Big Labor is proposing that government-appointed arbitrators would have the power to set terms and conditions of employment for first labor agreements and that employers’ right to control their private property be sacrificed, you can expect a battle royale, including a filibuster from opponents.

Following up, at Slate, Mickey Kaus hits the nail on the head, laying out a critique of interest arbitration we included in our earlier white paper on EFCA:

Opponents may need to come up with a new name for the bill (though "card check" was working pretty well for them). How about "federal pay determination"?  Keep in mind that not only does the apparent "compromise" propose abandoning the hoary idea that wages should be set in the marketplace, it also abandons the New Deal's substitute idea that wages should be set in labor contest where unions threaten to use their strike power and management threatens to survive a strike. Unions seem to have given up strikes. Instead they want to authorize an official--maybe even an actual federal bureaucrat--to simply swoop down and impose what would undoubtedly be a wage increase. That's more akin to FDR's notorious, failed National Recovery Act--except the NRA at least let industries set their own rigid wage scales.  ...

Note also that the arbitration provisions give now-unorganized workers a new, powerful incentive to unionize: Vote for the union, wait a few months, and an arbitrator will fly in and give you a raise. No strike. No fuss. No muss.

Kaus includes a link to his April piece wherein he recommended that business and other opponents begin to think of their own elements for inclusion in any labor law reform bill.  Well worth repeated reads now.

Finally, at NAM's Shopfloor.org, Carter Wood articulates an interesting possibility:

Here’s a theory, admittedly paranoid and probably giving labor too much credit: The NYT story represents a two-part jujitsu strategy by labor. Labor claims outrage at this “compromise,” but the removal of card check prompts business to emphasize how toxic the binding arbitration provisions are. THEN, labor agrees to drop binding arbitration too, leaving business sputtering about how the remaining legislation is still bad but struggling to articulate why. With business politically neutered, the Senate passes a bill with ambush elections, a gag on employer involvement in the election process, and increased penalties. Unions still wind up with a new ability to intimidate employees into joining unions and an election process slanted toward labor.

NYT Report on the Demise of Card Check: Accurate Report or Leaked Trial Balloon?

Was a New York Times report yesterday about the demise of card check -- Section 2 of the Employee Free Choice Act -- entirely accurate, premature or something different altogether?

At the TAPPED blog, Tim Fernholz of progressive journal The American Prospect asks:

As an inside-baseball side note, I'm interested in why Steve Greenhouse, the Times labor reporter, went with this story now. There hasn't been an official announcement, and Harkin's press secretary wouldn't confirm it, and those same half-dozen labor-friendly senators have been talking about jettisoning card check for months. What was the decision point?

This has led some -- including David French of the International Franchise Association and Rob Green of the National Retailers Federation --  to speculate whether this "leak" to a veteran labor relations reporter at the Times truly indicates surrender on the issue of card check -- or is rather a "trial balloon" or similar political strategic ploy.   Sam Stein of The Huffington Post notes:

The process was supposed to go on in secret, but discussion were leaked to the Times on Thursday. An anonymous official with the AFL-CIO, was quoted in the piece prompting speculation that the union federation was responsible for the leak.  

Regardless of the current status of this provision in the bill, SEIU President Andy Stern has made clear in a statement that labor expects a litmus test vote on card check before 2010 elections: 

"As we have said from day one, majority sign-up is the best way for workers to have the right to choose a voice at their workplace. The Employee Free Choice Act is going through the usual legislative process, and we expect a vote on a majority sign-up provision in the final bill or by amendment in both houses of Congress."

 

EFCA "Compromise": Quick Elections and More...

Today's New York Times reports that moderate Democrats have agreed to a "compromise" on the Employee Free Choice Act that they believe would garner the sixty votes needed to overcome a filibuster. The compromise would reportedly remove the card-check requirement from the bill and replace it with a requirement that elections be conducted within five to ten days after the NLRB receives a petition.

There is no word yet on when the revised measure would be formally considered, though the Times indicated that several other changes are still under consideration. Those changes include some form of union access to employer facilities and a ban on mandatory campaign meetings by employers.  Compulsory interest arbitration apparently would remain in the bill.

Senator Blanche Lincoln (D-AR) and Senator Arlen Specter (D-PA) are said to support the compromise language. This compromise is not likely to be welcomed by the business community. But it also seems to create numerous practical problems.  For example, any challenges to the propriety of a union petition would have to be resolved after employees vote.  This is likely to lead to an increase in such challenges and a great deal of uncertainty among workers.  Additionally, the compromise would require a massive overhaul of current NLRB procedures and staffing to accommodate the flurry of activity that must occur prior to an election being held. 

More to follow here (and via our Twitter feed) as this story develops.

Others following the story this morning:

Newsweek Piece: Reading the Handwriting on the Wall?

The current issue of Newsweek magazine contains a strongly titled opinion piece, "Unions: We're Better Off Without Them."  The author, Kevin Kelly, C.E.O. of Emerald Packaging in Union City, California. recounts his experiences with two "exhausting, deeply distracting" union representation campaigns.  He lays out in sensible, composed terms why many small business owners might prefer to operate without a union representing their employees, and he expresses his concerns about the evolving regulatory environment under the Obama administration in this regard.

Midway through the article, however, Mr. Kelly subtly shifts gears, and articulates sympathy for the most common arguments in support of EFCA:

Others are taking a more activist approach. One small business person wrote to his senator urging her to vote against the legislation, or at least amend it so that some sort of election period is preserved. "My argument is that the company should have at least some period to make its case," he says. Like many businesspeople, he worries that a union organizer might bully an employee into signing a card. I can't help but feel that prevention is the better route though. When, not if, a bill passes, I'd rather be a less susceptible target thanks to good employee relations.

Years ago that union drive certainly woke me up. Almost overnight we quickly overhauled our employee relations. We put a pay scale in place so that raises occurred in a timely manner and not just at the whim of a manager. We hired a human resource manager to handle day-to-day employee issues, tackling problems like reimbursements for health care costs. I began to meet regularly with employees, including periodic meals with each of our three shifts. These meetings often last two hours—or more—as employee's list ways they think the company could be improved, often offering ideas to boost productivity or quality.

I must confess, unlike many businesspeople, I do have a soft spot for the spirit of EFCA. While I can't agree with doing away with elections, I do accept that six weeks is far too long. If a company can't make its case in three weeks, then it likely deserves the union it gets. Six weeks gives employers too much time to wear employees down. Forcing workers to sit through meeting after meeting, bashing the union, hinting that the company might move or close if the union wins, probably is the corporate equivalent of the fear many businesspeople carry that union organizers might manhandle our employees into signing cards.

There is nothing inconsistent in Mr. Kelly's assertions here and his objection to EFCA, or his desire to operate union-free.  Indeed, many of his insights should be extremely helpful to like-minded small business owners. 

One might also read the last few paragraphs, however, and ask what special insight Mr. Kelly might have into the current efforts underway to make EFCA more palatable to 60 Senators.  Many of the positions referenced here -- preservation of the secret ballot, quicker elections, restricting employer meetings -- are elements frequently discussed in connection with possible substitute labor law reforms. 

WSJ: Senator Specter Floats Alternative Proposals

The Wall Street Journal reports that Senator Arlen Specter (D-PA) is testing the waters by suggesting two possible alternative components to the Employee Free Choice Act:

Under a potential compromise on the contentious subject of secret-ballot elections, workers could mail in ballots during union elections instead of the bill's current provision in which workers would sign cards collected by union organizers. The compromise approach would theoretically preserve privacy and reduce opportunities for coercion by union organizers and employers.

The second change would restrict the use of arbitrators in contract negotiations to situations in which the two sides fail to reach agreement on their last and best offer. The current version of the bill calls for automatic arbitration after 120 days.

To be sure, these two proposals differ from Sections 2 and 3 of the current version of EFCA.  Yet they still suffer from the same significant flaws as the current bill.  Perhaps that is why business interests were so quick to react:

"We continue to stand in support of the right of workers to have a secret ballot and the right to vote on contracts without interference from government bureaucrats," said Katie Packer, executive director of the Workforce Fairness Institute, a business-backed nonprofit that opposes the Employee Free Choice Act,

Senator Specter's "mail-in" proposal is curious, as it is something that was not included among the many alternative elements suggested by the Senator in his March 24th statement on the Senate floor.  Moreover, earlier reports had Senator Specter's colleague Sen. Tom Harkin (D-IA) pushing an expedited time-frame for secret ballot elections as a possible alternative to card-check.

More details are certain to emerge in the coming days, as Democrats continue to try to find some common ground on an alternative bill capable of gathering 60 votes in the Senate.

Former NLRB Member Kirsanow on "Compromise" Effort

At the National Review Online, former Board Member Peter Kirsanow joins the chorus of voices taking issue with today's Washington Post editorial.  In "EFCA Compromise Nonsense," Kirsanow asserts:

First, the idea that the EFCA amendments presently being floated constitute a "compromise" is a peculiar usage of the term. As the editorial itself notes, EFCA opponents remain monolithically opposed to any form of the bill. The "compromise" is merely a recognition among Democrats that they can't muster the needed support for EFCA from within even their own ranks.
 
 
Second, the allegedly "unfair barriers" to unionization that the WaPo laments were in place 50 years ago when unions represented 35% of the private-sector workforce. They were in place 30 years ago when 24% of the workforce was unionized. And they're essentially the same today when only 7.5% of the workforce is unionized. Did the WaPo run an editorial decrying the unfairness of the system when unions were in ascendance?
 
   *    *    *
 
The "quickie election"/equal access "compromise" is not a response to an unfairly tilted playing field. It's an attempt to salvage some aspects of a seriously flawed bill that may resuscitate the fortunes of labor unions but does little, if anything, to protect employees' rights or the ability of American employers to compete.

WSJ: Sen. Harkin Shopping EFCA Compromise; 21-Day Elections, More Mediation

The Wall Street Journal reports that Senators are busy working on a compromise version of EFCA that would drop the bill's card-check provision in favor of an expedited secret ballot election process.  The report indicates:

Compromise talks are being led by Sen. Tom Harkin (D., Iowa), the bill's lead sponsor in the Senate. Kate Cyrul, a spokeswoman for Mr. Harkin, declined to comment on details of the compromise being discussed. But she said the senator "remains confident that we can address these issues without compromising the core provisions of the bill."

Among the changes being discussed are dropping the card-signing provision and setting a 21-day deadline for an election to be held -- about the half the median of 40 days that union elections currently take, according to people familiar with the talks. An aide for Mr. Specter said the senator is "generally supportive" of the idea that an election must be held within 21 days if the employer wants a secret ballot.

This is consistent with reports from late March which had Sen. Harkin approaching moderate Republicans to attempt to reach consensus on an approach to labor law reform.  A shortened election period is an alternative element about which we speculated in our February 2009 white paper, "The Employee Free Choice Act in the 111th Congress".

According to this new WSJ report, however, mandatory interest arbitration may still be on the table in some form:

Another compromise relates to contract negotiations. The bill currently calls for arbitrators to set contracts if an employer and a new union fail to agree within 120 days. Under a compromise, mediators -- rather than arbitrators -- would play a bigger role in helping the sides negotiate a contract. Arbitrators could still be used to rule on certain contract provisions after both sides failed to agree.

Unions of course will remain insistent that mandatory arbitration remain in the final bill, as it provides them a safety net for failure to obtain a contract otherwise.  While much of the attention devoted so far to EFCA has been critical of the bill's card-check provisions, commentators are starting to point out the flaws of the arbitration provision as well.  But beyond the practical objections to government arbitrators setting wages, benefits and terms of employment for private employers, the mandatory interest arbitration provision is entirely antithetical to the very essence of American labor law. 

The collective bargaining process was always intended as a balancing between the parties in a free economic market.  At all times during the process, the employees and/or their union representative retain the right to engage in economic pressure – to withhold their labor by means of a strike – in an effort to persuade the employer to modify its positions. But voluntary agreement has always been the most fundamental component of collective bargaining. Indeed, Samuel Gompers, founder of the American Federation of Labor and a father of the American labor movement, said: “The whole gospel of the labor movement is summed up in one phrase... freedom of contract -- organized labor not only accepts, but, insists upon, equality of rights and of freedom.”  EFCA's interest arbitration provisions are a radical and inappropriate departure from those principles.

No word in the WSJ piece on whether Sen. Harkin is including EFCA's remedial provisions and increased penalties against employers in his compromise discussions as well.

More coverage and comment: