Forty-Four Senators Introduce Resolution to Halt National Labor Relations Board Implementation of "Quickie" Election Rule

Forty-four senators including Senator Mike Enzi (R-Wyo.), Ranking Member on the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions (HELP) Committee, today introduced a Resolution of Disapproval (S.J. Res 36) challenging the National Labor Relations Board's new rules expediting union representation elections. Passage of the Resolution, submitted under the Congressional Review Act (CRA), would allow Congress to stop implementation of the rule.

The Resolution reads, simply:

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That Congress disapproves the rule submitted by the National Labor Relations Board relating to representation election procedures (published at 76 Fed. Reg. 80138 (December 22, 2011)), and such rule shall have no force or effect. 

Senator Enzi had promised to file this Resolution following the Board's December announcement of the Final Rule.  Today, he said:

“This rule will make a fair system less fair for one side, and is being rushed into effect over tremendous objections. This is why I am joining with my fellow senators to stop this rule from going into effect and ambushing the small business job creators we need for our economic recovery.”

Expect a similar Resolution to be introduced in the House, where if put to a vote, it should pass with the Republican majority handily.  More interestingly, a CRA resolution of disapproval cannot be filibustered.  As it needs only a simple majority in the Senate to pass if acted upon during a 60-day window, it may come within a few votes -- as the current 53-47 breakdown between the caucuses.  This may be expected to put some pressure on moderate Democrats facing re-election this year in more conservative districts.  In any event, the Resolution would still be subject to certain veto by the President. 

Both the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and the Board have also recently filed dueling summary judgment motions in the Chamber's litigation to reverse the rule.

House Education and the Workforce Committee Holds Hearing Questioning NLRB "Recess" Appointments

The House Education and the Workforce Committee held a hearing on President Obama's January 4, 2012 "recess" appointments to the National Labor Relations Board. The hearing is the second of three scheduled on this issue -- as the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee held a hearing last week, and the Judiciary Committee will hold one next.










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Chairman John Kline (R-MN) opened the hearing asserting that the President's actions created a "constitutional crisis" as the Senate was in pro forma session at the time:

Thanks to the president’s action, three scarcely known individuals are now empowered to dramatically transform our nation’s workforce. The highly controversial nature of the appointments guarantees the rules and decisions the new board members adopt will be constitutionally suspect and legally challenged. Even the president’s own Justice Department, in what I would characterize as an understatement of the gravity of the situation, noted the issues surrounding these appointments “create some litigation risk.”
Make no mistake, every action taken by the board will be tainted, creating greater uncertainty for employers and additional costs for taxpayers.


House Democrats argued the recess appointments were necessary to overcome obstruction and to keep the government functioning. Rep. George Miller (D-CA), the committee’s ranking Democrat, declared the proceeding wasteful: "Today is just another legislative day dedicated to divisive issues."
Per the Wall Street Journal's Melanie Trottman:

Mr. Miller said it will likely be the Supreme Court, not Congress, that decides whether the recess appointments violated the Constitution, and the committee should be focusing its efforts on other issues such as job creation instead of having its sixth hearing “attacking” the NLRB.


Whether or not the three appointments are legitimate is a fundamental issue with fairly pressing consequences. If they are not, under the Supreme Court's 2010 New Process Steel decision, the Board lacks a requisite quorum for official action. The Board would be precluded from issuing Orders in cases before it, or from further rule-making activity. Near the top of the Board's list of priorities is to implement the rest of its proposed rules to expedite union representation elections. Several organizations have filed suit challenging the President's appointments, but Board Chairman Mark Gaston Pearce has indicated unequivocally that the Board will proceed to consider all remaining elements of the changes proposed last June. Chairman Pearce recently told the Associated Press:

“We presume the constitutionality of the president’s appointments and we go forward based on that understanding.”

 

U.S. Chamber of Commerce and National Labor Relations Board File Competing Summary Judgment Motions in "Quickie" Election Rule Case

The U.S. Chamber of Commerce and the Coalition for a Democratic Workplace last week filed a motion seeking summary judgment in their lawsuit against the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) challenging the Board’s December 22, 2011 rule intended to expedite the union representation election process. The Chamber's lawsuit, filed in December and recently amended, argues that:

...the blatantly partisan purpose of this rule is to ensure that employers have no time to talk to their workers about unionizing, and that the only information workers will get will come from the union. According to the Chamber’s complaint, the rule violates the National Labor Relations Act, the Administrative Procedure Act, the Regulatory Flexibility Act, and free speech and due process constitutional rights.

The Chamber's February 3, 2012 motion, seeking summary judgment invalidating the rule, argues that the Board's rulemaking process was flawed in that:


  • two Board members denied the third member the opportunity to fully participate in the rulemaking, thus denying the Board an official quorum;
  • the actions taken to hasten adoption of the rule violated the Administrative Procedure Act (APA) by arbitrarily and capriciously failing to follow well-established Board practice; and
  • the new rule is substantively inconsistent with Sections 3 and 9 of the National Labor Relations Act.

On the same day, the Board also filed for summary judgment dismissing the suit. The Board's brief argues that the Chamber's suit is not ripe for adjudication; the agency is entitled to deference in rulemaking; the rule is consistent with all substantive provisions of the Act; and the Board "fully considered and appropriately rejected" all the Chamber's substantive arguments against the rule in the course of its rulemaking process -- which process was not "totally unjustified".

Employers must follow closely this litigation, and the other developments currently unfolding, as the implementation of this rule will change significantly the way representation proceedings are processed and the timeframe within which they will have to respond to them. We will post additional information here on the case and the broader issue as it becomes available.


Labor Relations Today Releases "Labor Law 2011: A Very Active Year in Review"

2011 was the most dynamic year in labor law in quite some time.  Fueling many of the changes last year were the impending departures of National Labor Relations Board Chairman Wilma Liebman and Member Craig Becker. With no certainty as to when Liebman or Becker might be properly replaced, the Board acted aggressively while it still held a pro-labor majority and a quorum. In addition to the Board’s activity, the Acting General Counsel pursued an expansive agenda. In response to these efforts, Republican opposition in Congress attempted to rein the Board in via additional oversight and legislative efforts that failed to gain much traction.

The labor attorneys here at Labor Relations Today have been following these significant developments every step of the way.  Today we are publishing "Labor Law in 2011: A Very Active Year in Review."  This brief summary highlights some of the most noteworthy developments in 2011.  We hope you find it a helpful resource as we head into what is already shaping up to be another "very active year." 

Congress Announces Deal on FAA Re-Authorization, NMB Election Rule Stands With One Adjustment

National Journal reports that House and Senate leaders have announced an agreement on the long-awaited reauthorization of the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA).  The deal includes Republicans backing down on their effort to reverse the May 2010 rule issued by the National Mediation Board (NMB) which changed the 75 year-old method for counting votes in union representation elections under the Railway Labor Act (RLA):

Republican leaders agreed to remove the offending language in the FAA bill that would have rescinded a National Mediation Board rule set under the Obama administration that makes it easier for rail and aviation workers to unionize. The remaining disputes between Republicans and Democrats on the measure have been worked out in a gentlemen's agreement among congressional transportation gurus.

In exchange for Republicans dropping the NMB rule recission, Democrats have agreed to include a provision that would raise the threshold for rail and aviation workers expressing interest in forming a union from 35 percent to 50 percent. This would mark the first time that an FAA reauthorization included any NMB changes, which is likely to make organized labor uncomfortable. But it also appeases Republicans who were angered by the original Obama administration rule that nonvoting aviation and rail workers do not count as "no" votes in unionization elections.

Lawmakers also have agreed to public hearings for all substantial NMB rule-making and tweaks to the manner in which runoff elections will be held. (The procedural change will make it easier for a "no union" option to win.) The deal also includes several oversight reports from the Government Accountability Office.

Our previous coverage of the issue:

 

NLRB Announces Final Rule to Expedite Elections; Senator Announces Effort to Block Rule Via Congressional Resolution

The National Labor Relations Board announced today that it has adopted a final rule amending its election case procedures to shorten the time between the filing of a petition and the conduct of an election. The rule will be published in the Federal Register on Thursday, December 22, and is due to take effect on April 30, 2012.

The Board asserts that under the new rule:

...regional hearings will be expressly limited to issues relevant to the question of whether an election should be conducted. The hearing officer will have the authority to limit testimony to relevant issues, and to decide whether or not to accept post-hearing briefs.

Also, all appeals of regional director decisions to the Board will be consolidated into a single post-election request for review. Parties can currently appeal regional director decisions to the Board at multiple stages in the process.

In addition, the rule makes all Board review of Regional Directors’ decisions discretionary, leaving more final decisions in the hands of career civil servants with long experience supervising elections.

There have been various attempts by lawmakers to undo this rule, including John Kline's (R-MN) "Workforce Democracy and Fairness Act" (H.R. 3094) which passed by a vote of 235-188 late last month.  That bill would guarantee that no representation election is held within 35 days after the filing of a petition, provide for a two-week waiting period before a hearing could be held, and ensure certain preliminary appeal rights. 

But it is not just the substance of the changes that opponents question.  Days before the NLRB held a unique "public" session to vote upon the proposed rule changes, Member Brian Hayes sent a highly critical letter to the House Committee on Education and the Workforce.  Member Hayes accused the Board majority of intentionally:

breach[ing] the Board’s internal operating rule and, for the first time in the history of this agency, not allow[ing] the requisite time for preparing or circulating a dissent. 

This afternoon, hours after the Board announcement of the final rule, Senator Mike Enzi (R-Wyo.), Ranking Member on the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions (HELP) Committee, asserted that he would challenge the Board's actions:  

The rule issued today by the NLRB will allow union bosses to ambush employers with union elections before employers have a fair chance to learn their rights and explain their views to employees, as required by law.  I plan to lead the fight against this onerous rule by introducing a resolution of disapproval under the Congressional Review Act. 

The Congressional Review Act (CRA) allows Congress to review every new federal regulation issued by the government agencies and, by passage of a joint resolution, overrule a regulation.  According to Senator Enzi's office, a resolution of disapproval introduced under the CRA cannot be filibustered and needs only a simple majority in the Senate to pass if acted upon during a 60-day window.

NLRB Approves Changes to Union Election Rules, 2 to 1

On Wednesday, the NLRB voted 2-to-1 to approve a resolution to amend the rules and regulations related to its election process. Chairman Mark Pearce and Member Craig Becker voted in favor of the changes and Member Brian Hayes voted against them. The amendments that passed were trimmed from a more comprehensive set of proposed changes published in the Federal Register on June 22, 2011. The approved changes are intended to reduce litigation in election cases and will also significantly shorten the time between any pre-election hearing and the election date.

The approved changes will include:

a) giving hearing officers greater discretion to limit the evidence presented at pre-election hearings to evidence that is “relevant to a genuine issue of fact material to whether a question of representation exists”

b) giving hearing officers the discretion to deny requests by parties to submit post-hearing briefs

c) denying the parties the right to file requests for review with the Board challenging the viability of a regional director’s decision and direction of election until after the election

d) eliminating the 25 day period between the issuance of a decision and direction of election by a regional director and the holding of an election

e) clarifying the rules regarding a party’s ability to seek special permission to appeal a hearing officer ruling to the Board

f) giving the Board the discretion to refuse to review a regional director’s resolution of post-election disputes

The Board did not release the final rules that will amend or replace the existing language in the regulations. It also did not indicate when the new rules would become effective. Unless the language is already written and the date is already set, it is reasonable to believe both will be impacted when Member Becker’s recess appointment expires at the end of this month, leaving just two members on the Board.

 

At roughly the same time as the Board action, Congress passed a bill designed to undo parts of the proposed rule changes.  John Kline's (R-MN) "Workforce Democracy and Fairness Act" (H.R. 3094) passed by a vote of 235-188.  The bill would guarantee that no representation election is held within 35 days after the filing of a petition, provide for a two-week waiting period before a hearing could be held, and ensure certain preliminary appeal rights.

Redlined NLRB Rules and Regs at Issue at Today's Meeting and Vote

In advance of today's 2:30 p.m. meeting of the National Labor Relations Board to vote on rule changes to expedite union representation elections, we revisited the redlined Rules previously issued by the Board.  Following the release of today's proposed Resolution by the Chairman, we have highlighted in yellow the portions of these changes which the Board will consider today.  (The blue and green annotations are the initial changes to the R&R proposed by the Board's June 2011 NPRM.)

But while the Board addresses its Resolution today, Congress too will be looking at this issue.  The House plans a floor vote this afternoon on John Kline's (R-MN) "Workforce Democracy and Fairness Act" (H.R. 3094).  The bill would guarantee that no representation election is held within 35 days after the filing of a petition, provide for a two-week waiting period before a hearing could be held, and ensure certain preliminary appeal rights.

As noted yesterday, it will be an interesting day at the Board.  We will provide a recap of the day's developments later this evening.

NLRB Member Hayes: Board Plans to Ignore its Rules to Push Through "Quickie Elections"

When we reported yesterday that the National Labor Relations Board announced it had scheduled a November 30th vote regarding "a small number" of the changes to its election procedures that the Board proposed back in June, we speculated that current Board dynamics might prevent the Board from adopting a wide range of the controversial measures included in the proposed rule.  Not so fast, it would seem...

In a letter sent yesterday by lone Republican Board Member Brian Hayes to Chairman John Kline (R-MN) of the House Committee on Education and the Workforce, Hayes expressed his serious concerns and more disconcerting circumstances than might have been anticipated:

My colleagues are committed to issuing a final R Case Rule before Member Becker’s recess appointment expires at the end of the current Congressional session.    I was further advised that in the event I did not agree with the final R Case Rule, it would, nonetheless, be approved and published based on their two-member vote.  Moreover, if, as will necessarily be the case, I am not afforded the requisite opportunity to review and draft a dissent to the rule, I was advised that I would be limited to doing so after publication of the rule.  … [T]hese actions would contravene long-standing Board tradition and the Board’s own operating rules.   These rules and traditions have been established to protect the legitimacy of the Board.  They cannot, in my view, simply be case aside in pursuit of a singular policy agenda without doing irreparable harm to the Board’s legitimacy.

This reported approach resembles that taken by the National Mediation Board, when in early 2010, following the appointment of a former union president to the Board, the agency excluded dissenting voices from the process of revising a decades-old election rule.  That change too was designed to facilitate private sector union organizing.  Member Hayes adds the troubling suggestion that his colleagues at the NLRB might not be simply considering this approach for the passage of this Proposed Rule, but for a variety of other pending Board matters as well:

…since Member Becker’s recess appointment will expire in less than 90 days, it is quite clear that the two Board members nevertheless intend to breach the Board’s internal operating rule and, for the first time in the history of this agency, not allow the requisite time for preparing or circulating a dissent.  Indeed, as noted above, I have been specifically advised of this fact both with respect to publication or a final rule and with respect to a number of significant cases currently pending before the Board.

Finally, his reference to  the "Workforce Democracy and Fairness Act" (H.R. 3094) in his letter's conclusion, suggests that the two-Member bloc may intend to pass some of the more radical changes included in the Proposed Rule after all:

...I note that my colleagues’ rush to final rulemaking judgment is taken in the face of active consideration of H.R. 3094, provisions of which are in direct conflict with the Board’s proposed Rule.  Although I make no comment concerning the merits of this legislative proposal, I believe its pendency provides yet another reason why my two colleagues should suspend their rulemaking efforts.

Circulation of this letter is certain to revive some of the calls for Member Hayes to step down in advance of the November 30th vote in order to deny the Board a quorum to act.  The legal reasoning laid out by Member Hayes in opposition to the Board's current course might suggest he thinks such drastic measures are unnecessary to prevent promulgation of this rule.  But this should make for an interesting next ten days at the NLRB.

More commentary and resources:

NLRB to Vote on Elements of Proposed "Quickie Election" Rules on November 30th

The National Labor Relations Board announced today that it has scheduled a vote on whether to adopt "a small number" of the changes to its election procedures that the Board proposed back in June.  According to the Board, "[t]he proposed amendments are intended to reduce unnecessary litigation, streamline pre- and post-election procedures, and facilitate the use of electronic communications and document filing."  The proposed changes include:

  • shortening the period between the filing of a petition and the conduct of a representation period by days, if not weeks;
  • deferring most voting/bargaining unit issues until after the election;
  • eliminating the parties' ability to request review of a Regional Director's decision prior to the election;
  • expediting the production of a list of employees and their contact information to the union, including phone numbers and email addresses; and
  • allowing for the filing of election petitions and posting of notices electronically.

The Board received more than 65,000 written comments on the proposal and heard testimony from 66 speakers at a two-day hearing in July.  Senator Jim DeMint (R-SC) soon thereafter introduced “The Fair Representation in Elections Act of 2011” (S. 1425), which would guarantee that no representation election is held within forty (40) days after the filing of a petition, and until the Regional Director has resolved all jurisdictional, unit determination and eligibility issues.  Last month, the House Committee on Education and the Workforce voted to send Committee Chairman John Kline's (R-MN) similar bill, the "Workforce Democracy and Fairness Act" (H.R. 3094) bill to the floor.

In today's announcement, the Board indicates:

in light of the possibility that the Board will lose a quorum at the end of the current congressional session, Board Chairman Mark Pearce will propose issuing a final rule limited to several provisions designed to reduce unnecessary litigation.

The Chairman and the Board's other two Members will discuss and vote on a resolution to accept the Chairman’s proposals, proceed to draft a final rule limited to those proposals, and defer the remainder of the proposed rule for further consideration.

One might expect the Board to limit its consideration to the less drastic and controversial elements of its proposals, on which there appears to be unanimous consensus among the Board's three Members.  A dissenting Board Member could very likely prevent anything from being passed by simply stepping down prior to a vote, thereby denying the Board a quorum under the holding of the Supreme Court's decision in New Process Steel L.P. v. National Labor Relations Board, 08-1457.

Senator Johnny Isakson (R-GA) Introduces Bill to Reverse NLRB's "Micro-Union" Decision

Late last week, Senator Johnny Isakson (R-GA) introduced the Representation Fairness Restoration Act (S. 1843) -- legislation designed to reverse the National Labor Relations Board's August 26, 2011 decision in the Specialty Healthcare case. In that decision, the Board overruled 20 years of practice regarding how it determines the "appropriate unit" in non-acute health care facilities.  More importantly, however, the NLRB has clearly signaled that it now endorses Member Becker’s long held belief that smaller units -- such as units that consist of only one department, or perhaps even one job classification -- should be permitted, rather than the current NLRB preference of favoring “wall to wall” units.  Sen. Isakson's legislation would reinstate the long-standing standard for determining which employees make up an appropriate bargaining unit for the purposes of the NLRA.

The text of the bill is not yet available online, but more commentary is available:

Final Rule Published Denying Reimbursement to Federal Contractors for Activities Undertaken to Persuade Employees Regarding Union Representation

The Department of Defense, General Services Administration, and NASA have published a Final Rule in the Federal Register to implement Executive Order 13494, "Economy in Government Contracting."  The Order, one of three Executive Orders issued by President Obama on January 30, 2009 regarding labor relations, declared the costs of any activities undertaken by federal contractors to persuade employees to choose or decline union representation to be ineligible for government reimbursement.  Following review of public comments, the agencies finalized the April 14, 2010 proposed rule with "just one minor editorial change" to FAR 31.205-21, the cost principle addressing labor relations costs:

To implement the requirements of the E.O., DoD, GSA, and  NASA issued a proposed rule that would amend this cost principle by adding a new paragraph addressing the handling of persuader activities--that is, activity involving the persuading of employees to exercise or not exercise their rights to organize and bargain collectively. By doing so, the proposed rule differentiated the handling of costs incurred through persuader activities, which are unallowable, from those incurred in maintaining satisfactory labor relations, which remain allowable.

Continue Reading...

NLRB Endorses Proliferation of Bargaining Units in Specialty Healthcare Decision

NLRB Chair Wilma Liebman used her last day in office to help Member Becker realize his long held dream that unions should be able to organize sub-units of an employer -- such as employees of one department -- as opposed to an entire facility. In Specialty Healthcare, 357 NLRB No. 83 (Aug. 26, 2011), the Board overruled 20 years of practice regarding how it determines the "appropriate unit" in non-acute health care facilities.  More importantly, however, the NLRB has clearly signaled that it now endorses Member Becker’s long held belief that smaller units -- such as units that consist of only one department, or perhaps even one job classification -- should be permitted, rather than the current NLRB preference of favoring “wall to wall” units.

Specialty Healthcare involved a non-acute care nursing home.  The Regional Director certified that the petitioned for unit of full and part time CNA’s (certified nursing assistants) was an appropriate unit for an election.  The Employer filed a request for review.  In granting the request, the Board also made an unprecedented request that the parties address eight specific questions, including experiences under the Board’s 1991 decision in Park Manor Care Center, 305 NLRB 871.  This request was particularly surprising given that the employer had not asked for Board to re-visit that decision in connection with its request for review.  More troubling, however, was the Board’s request that the parties also address whether:

the Board [should] find a proposed unit appropriate if the employees in the proposed unit are ‘readily identifiable as a group whose similarity of functions and skills create a community of interest? 

In other words, should the Board approve smaller units for distinct groups of employees?

The Board has now answered this final question with a resounding “yes.”

Continue Reading...

NLRB Issues Decisions Barring Decertifcation Petitions Following Voluntary Union Recognition, Mergers or Acquisitions

As Chairman Wilma Liebman’s term wound down to a close, late last week, the National Labor Relations Board issued a number of significant decisions reversing Board decisions from earlier administrations. Two of these -- Lamon’s Gasket Co., 357 NLRB No. 72 (Aug. 26, 2011) and UGL-UNICCO Service Co., 357 NLRB No. 76 (Aug. 26, 2011) -- make it more difficult for employees to challenge a union’s status as their exclusive bargaining representative in the workplace.

A year after granting review and inviting briefs, in Lamons Gasket Co., the Board reversed the decision of the Board in Dana Corp., 351 NLRB No. 28 (Sept. 29, 2007), holding that a decertification petition will be barred “for a reasonable period of time after voluntary recognition.”   In addition, the Board clarified the standard for determining a “reasonable period of time” in connection with this analysis. 

In Dana Corp.,, the Board modified its “recognition-bar doctrine” to hold that an employer’s voluntary recognition of a union bargaining representative would not bar the processing of a conflicting petition filed during the first 45 days after recognition. Thus, employees seeking a decertification election (or a rival union seeking certification for that matter) could file a petition soon after an employer voluntarily recognized a union, and in a departure from its past practice, the Board would not dismiss the petition as barred. Following the 45 day period, the recognized union would still enjoy a presumption of majority status for a "reasonable period of time.”

Regarding the 2007 decision, the Lamon’s Gasket majority declared:

[T]he extraordinary process established in Dana was, fundamentally, grounded on a suspicion that the employee choice which must precede any voluntary recognition is often not free and uncoerced, despite the law’s requirement that it be so. The evidence now before us as a result of administering the Dana decision during the past 4 years demonstrates that the suspicion underlying the decision was unfounded. Without an adequate foundation, Dana thus imposed an extraordinary notice requirement, informing employees only of their right to reconsider their choice to be represented, under a statute commanding that the Board remain strictly neutral in relation to that choice.

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NLRB Orders Re-Run of Largest Ever Mail-Ballot Election; 43,000 Eligible Voters

Between September 13 and October 4, 2010, the National Labor Relations Board conducted the largest mail ballot election in its history, among approximately 43,000 California employees of Kaiser Permanente. The election, to determine whether whether the employees wanted to remain represented by SEIU-UHW, to select a different union, or to become unrepresented, saw over 30,000 of the eligible employees cast votes.  A majority of voters – over 18,000 -- cast ballots in favor of continued SEIU representation.

The union which lost that election, National United Healthcare Workers (NUHW), filed 118 objections.  This past Wednesday, the Board ordered the historic election to be rerun, following a Hearing Officer’s recommendations that the original results be set aside due to objectionable conduct by the employer and the SEIU-UHW.

According to the Board’s Order, SEIU-UHW and Kaiser waived their rights to file exceptions to the Hearing Officer’s report and filed a joint motion with the Board agreeing to the new election.  NUHW opposed that request – perhaps trying to buy more time to build support. The Order by Chairman Wilma B. Liebman and Members Brian Hayes and Mark Gaston Pearce -- with Member Craig Becker recused on account of SEIU’s involvement -- granted the joint motion and remanded the case to the Oakland region for appropriate action, including the scheduling of a new election.

More coverage:

International Pressure Nets Union Victory in One of Two Elections at Virginia IKEA Suppliers

Employees at the EBI, LLC plant in Danville, Virginia voted against union representation by the Steelworkers in an NLRB-supervised election conducted earlier this week.  The tally of ballots indicated a 281-118 vote rejection of the union. The employer manufactures products for IKEA.

This was the second NLRB election at an IKEA-related employer in Danville in the past month. Employees at a nearby Swedwood plant voted 221-69 in favor of union representation by the International Association of Machinists on July 27.

In the case of Swedwood plant, at least, there was evidence of a significant evolving trend where the American operations of European companies are pressured to remain "neutral" in connection with union organizing drives.  A Bloomberg news report put it this way:

The Danville union drive was followed by the media in Sweden, where many company workers are union members. The largest daily newspaper in Stockholm wrote that the company was behaving in an “un-Swedish way.”

Labor Notes' coverage of the election lists effort by international unions to apply pressure to organize German-owned Volkswagen, Deutsche Telekom's T-Mobile, and French-owned food services company Sodexo, among others.  Regarding the efforts of the IAM's Woodworking unit in Danville, the author notes:

...BWI took on the Danville union effort as an international campaign, calling for a boycott, sponsoring protests from Germany to Hong Kong, and at one point clogging Ikea corporate inboxes with 100,000 emails. BWI has member unions in 127 countries.

European companies with American operations should not underestimate the type of pressure UNI and the other international labor organizations are able to bring to bear on these issues in the U.S.  As the successful union organizer at this Danville plant noted:

“Virginia has the third lowest union density in any state in the nation.... If we can win in Virginia, we can win elsewhere.”

FAA Furlough Likely to Continue for Weeks; Parties in Congress Differ on Impact of NMB Union Election Rule

Congress has adjourned for up to five weeks without passing a bill to extend funding for the Federal Aviation Administration, resulting in "unprecedented" furloughs due to a partial shutdown of agency operations.  Approximately 4,000 FAA employees are out of work following the July 22 failure of Congress to pass at least a temporary extension of funding for the agency. The furlough impacts engineering and electronics technicians, computer and logistics specialists, and support staff, among other workers.

At the center of the dispute is the Airport and Airway Extension Act of 2011, Part IV (H.R. 2553) which was passed by the House on July 20, 2011 by a mostly party-line vote, 243-177.  The heart of the bill, introduced by Rep. John Mica (R-FL), is a fairly standard extension of funding for the FAA, the likes of which has been passed numerous times before throughout recent history.  This latest version, however, which was rebuffed by the Senate prior to the adjournment, contains a provision seeking to significantly limit the agency's Essential Air Service Program.  House Republicans view the EAS as a costly pork-barrel program.

Some Senators, however, argue that the GOP insistence on these cuts in the short-term funding bill is retribution for the Democrats' objection to earlier versions of the bill which included Republican efforts to reverse the National Mediation Board's new rules facilitating union organizing for airline employees.  Regular readers of this blog know that last May, the NMB announced that it was changing a decades-old rule regarding the way votes are counted in union representation elections under the Railway Labor Act (RLA).  On May 17, 2010, an association of airlines filed suit to block the rule, but that challenge failed and the rule became effective as of July 1, 2010. 

In February 2011, Rep. Phil Gingrey (R-GA) introduced legislation to reverse the rule change -- the "Restoring Democracy in the Workplace Act" (H.R. 548).  The bill went nowhere beyond committee.  Soon thereafter, Rep. Mica introduced a long-term funding extension bill for the FAA (H.R. 658) -- Section 903 provided for repeal of the new NMB rule.  The bill passed the House, but stalled in the Senate -- leading to passage of a series of short-term extensions, until now.

Rep. Mica has issued a statement suggesting that the NMB issue is a red-herring in the present debate:

FACT: Senate Democrats are also arguing that the House-passed extension is about a labor provision, but the fact is there is no labor provision in the extension.

Whether the Congress reconvenes ahead of schedule to resolve their differences and fund the FAA remains to be seen -- as will the extent to which, if any, the disputed NMB rule ultimately plays a part.

Senator DeMint (R-SC) Introduces Bill to Prevent NLRB "Quickie Elections"

Just over a week after the National Labor Relations Board held two days of hearings on its proposed rule to shorten the time between the filing of a petition and the conduct of a representation election, Senator Jim DeMint (R-SC) introduced “The Fair Representation in Elections Act of 2011” (S. 1425). The bill would guarantee that no representation election is held within forty (40) days after the filing of a petition, and until the Regional Director has resolved all jurisdictional, unit determination and eligibility issues.

When the NLRB announced its intent to change election procedures earlier this year, it claimed that "[t]he proposed amendments are intended to reduce unnecessary litigation, streamline pre- and post-election procedures, and facilitate the use of electronic communications and document filing." However, as many speakers opined during the July 18 and 19 hearings, the proposed amendments to the NLRB's Rules and Regulations will also have a drastic effect on an employer's ability to respond to organizing campaigns and for employees to become educated about the advantages and disadvantages of union representation and collective bargaining.

At least six (6) other Republican Senators joined as original co-sponsors of DeMint's bill which is obviously directly at odds with the Board's efforts in this area.

NLRB Announces Lineup of Selected Speakers for Monday and Tuesday's "Quickie Election" Rules Hearing

Monday and Tuesday next week, the National Labor Relations Board will hold its public hearings on its proposed rulemaking to shorten the time between the filing of representation petitions and the resulting elections.  Earlier, the Board announced the line-up of speakers selected to speak during the two day hearings.  The impressive list of speakers includes numerous former Board members, prominent labor attorneys, union officials and employer representatives.  The two Tuesday sessions conclude with remarks by Professors Dorian Warren and Kate Bronfenbrenner, respectively -- recent publishers of a study widely cited in support of the Board's efforts here.

The hearing will be webcast in its entirety at the Board's website.

More resources and commentary:

NLRB Public Hearings on "Quickie" Elections to Proceed on July 18-19

When the National Labor Relations Board announced its proposed rulemaking to shorten the time between the filing of representation petitions and the resulting elections, it announced that it would hold public hearings on July 18th (and possibly 19th).  It allowed interested parties a few days to request participation.  A number of public officials and employer groups asked that the Board extend the time for the submission of written comments and schedule hearings in various locations following those submissions.

On Friday, the Board denied those requests, announcing that the previously announced time limits would stand:

The Board has received requests seeking, inter alia, to postpone the public meeting.  These requests have been made by Senators Enzi, Hatch and Isakson, by the United States Chamber of Commerce (joined by other organizations) and by the Workforce Fairness Institute.  Having duly considered these requests, the Board (Member Hayes, dissenting) has decided to proceed with the meeting as scheduled.  Sufficient public interest in participating in the meeting has been expressed to warrant extending the meeting through July 19, 2011.  Moreover, interested parties that are unable to participate in the hearing or wish to extend their oral remarks may do so through the submission of written comments by August 22, 2011, pursuant to the NPRM.

The House Committee on Education and the Workforce did not wait on the Board's public hearing, choosing to hold a hearing of its own this past Thursday, "Rushing Union Elections: Protecting the Interests of Big Labor at the Expense of Workers' Free Choice."  Witnesses included former NLRB Chairman Peter Schaumber, Dana Corp. employee Larry Getts, Indiana Professor Kenneth Dau-Schmidt, Appleton, Wisc. business owner John Carew, and Michael Lotito, Esq. of Jackson Lewis.

More Resources:

 

Human Resources Executive Online: New DOL, NLRB Initiatives

Human Resources Executive Online ran a piece today in which I commented on the Department of Labor's proposed overhaul of the fifty-year old interpretation of "advice" in Section 203 of the LMRDA:

"The DOL is proposing to drastically widen the net it's casting ... ; this new rule will drag in an almost endless variety of business advisers, forcing them to disclose information about their finances, their contractual relationships and make the reporting requirements so onerous that employers are going to have to think twice about whether to avail themselves of these consultants' services," says Borden.

"On the flip side," he says, "consultants and attorneys are going to have to decide whether or not to continue in the line of business they're in -- whether this level of disclosure, and the paperwork it entails, is worth it."

The piece also features commentary from former NLRB General Counsel Ron Meisburg, now an attorney with Proskauer:

"I don't think this is proper," says Meisburg. "[This proposal] is going to potentially sweep in what attorneys have long done for clients, which includes training, documentation and so forth. I think that's why Congress put in an advice exception [to the LMRDA] in the first place, to prevent this kind of problem from coming up."

AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka, on the other hand, calls this a "modest step": 

"The proposed rule does not address many of the fundamental problems with our labor laws, but it will help bring critically needed fairness and balance to this part of the process," Trumka said after the proposal was announced.

Needless to say, we respectfully disagree.  You can read the entire piece here.

Professor Issues New Study Purportedly in Support of "Quickie" Elections

On the heels of the National Labor Relations Board's proposed rulemaking to shorten the time period between the filing of a representation petition and the holding of an election, Cornell Professor Kate Bronfenbrenner has issued a new study entitled "The Empirical Case for Streamlining the NLRB Certification Process: The Role of Date of Unfair Labor Practice Occurrence."  Along with Columbia professor, Dr. Dorian Warren, Professor Bronfenbrenner has published the eight page "working paper" in support of the Board's effort to drastically limit the pre-election campaign period.

Like the Professor's earlier works in support of similar efforts, like the Employee Free Choice Act, the study is unabashedly partisan.  As in her earlier works, "No Holds Barred: The Intensification of Employer Opposition to Organizing." and "Uneasy Terrain: The Impact of Capital Mobility on Workers, Wages, and Union Organizing," the Professor assumes all allegations of unfair labor practices to have actually occurred, and conflates any and all legitimate employer response to organizing with unlawful coercion and intimidation.  Again, the Professor suggests here that all of the anecdotal data studied came exclusively from interviews with union organizers -- yet there is no effort to discount the obvious biases likely held by this self-interested population. 

No matter.  This study -- like those before it -- is likely to be widely cited by proponents of the Board's current effort to eliminate lawful employer speech in response to union organizing efforts.  The paper's introduction may provide a telling window into where supporters would like to see the time limits drawn:

Our analysis of Bureau of National Affairs (BNA) data from 1999-2009 found that in the last two years there has been a slight increase in the number of representation elections being held between 21-30 days after the petition.  But throughout the decade there have been virtually no election dates in the first 20 days after the petition is filed.  Thus, while the NLRB has made some progress in meeting their performance objectives, as former NLRB General Counsel Fred Feinstein explains, "the problem has been that a party in any election case has the ability to undermine the expression of employee free choice by manipulating the Board procedures to create delay."

More cases being held within 21-30 days is "some progress," but bottom line -- proponents of the Board's proposed measures still consider more than 20 days to be "delay."

More on NLRB's Proposal to Expedite Union Representation Elections

As reported earlier, the National Labor Relations Board tomorrow will officially publish a Notice of Proposed Rulemaking to drastically shorten the time for union representation elections.  While legislators were unable to eliminate the time between petition and representation election entirely via the failed push for the Employee Free Choice Act, there have consistently been proponents of shortening this period, including current Chairman Wilma Liebman, Senator Tom Harkin (D-IA), former NLRB Chairman William Gould, and former Senator Arlen Specter (D-PA).

While official publication of the Notice is expected tomorrow, there are numerous related resources online at the Board's website including a red-lined version of the proposed rule changes, a Fact Sheet and a "summary of the main changes" being contemplated to the representation process.

Regarding these significant proposed changes, reflecting comments she has made in the past, Chairman Liebman today explained:

One of the most important duties of the National Labor Relations Board is conducting secret-ballot elections to determine whether employees want to be represented by a labor union.  Resolving representation questions quickly, fairly, and accurately has been an overriding goal of American labor law for more than 75 years.  Under the law, as the Supreme Court has explained, the Board is responsible for the rules that govern representation cases. 

Over the decades, the Board has revised its rules periodically, looking for ways to achieve a broadly-shared goal: making the representation process work as well as possible.  One important result has been to reduce the typical time between the filing of an election petition (which triggers the Board’s procedures) and the actual election.  But the current rules still seem to build in unnecessary delays, to encourage wasteful litigation, to reflect old-fashioned communication technologies, and to allow haphazard case-processing, by not adopting best practices.  It is worth asking, again, whether the Board can now do a better job, and can better serve the employees, employers, and unions that participate in the election process.

Member Brian Hayes has dissented from the Board's 3-1 decision to propose these changes at this time.   In no uncertain terms, Member Hayes sets forth his position thus:

Today, my colleagues undertake an expedited rulemaking process in order to implement an expedited representation election process. Neither process is appropriate or necessary. Both processes, however, share a common purpose: to stifle full debate on matters that demand it, in furtherance of a belief that employers should have little or no involvement in the resolution of questions concerning representation. For my part at least, I can and do dissent.

The Board will hold a public hearing on the proposal on July 18 (and possibly 19); and is soliciting written comment for at least a 60-day period.  Employers should seriously consider participating in this process to the fullest extent possible.

NLRB To Issue Proposed Rulemaking for "Quickie" Elections

As has been expected, for quite some time now, the National Labor Relations Board tomorrow will officially publish a Notice of Proposed Rulemaking to drastically shorten the time for union representation elections. According to the NLRB's fact sheet, "[t]he proposed amendments are intended to reduce unnecessary litigation, streamline pre- and post-election procedures, and facilitate the use of electronic communications and document filing." However, these proposed amendments to the NLRB's Rules and Regulations will have a drastic effect on an employer's ability to respond to organizing campaigns and for employees to become educated about the advantages and disadvantages of union representation and collective bargaining.

Under current Board policy, the NLRB strives to hold representation elections within 42 days after the petition is filed. However, the Board's proposed amendments will shorten that period by days, if not weeks, by deferring most voting/bargaining unit issues until after the election and eliminating the parties' ability to request review of a Regional Director's decision prior to the election.

Specifically, the proposed rules will require the Regional Director to schedule the pre-election hearing to begin within seven days after a hearing notice is served. By the start of the hearing, the employer must state its position on election-related issues that it intends to raise at the hearing, including the Board's jurisdiction; the appropriateness of the bargaining unit sought by the union, and the type, date, and location of the election. The union will then respond to the positions taken by the employer. After hearing the parties' positions, the hearing officer will identify their disagreements and accept evidence only on genuine issues of material fact affecting those issues. However, and most importantly, unless the issues affect 20 percent or more of the unit, the litigation of those disputes will be deferred until after the election. Moreover, even if the unit issues are litigated prior to the election, the parties cannot request review from the Board prior to the election.

Once the Regional Director issues his or her direction of election, the employer will have two days, as compared to seven days now, to provide a final list of eligible voters to the union (the Excelsior list). Current rules and regulations only require the employer to provide names and addresses, but the new rules will require the employer to list phone numbers and email addresses on the Excelsior list when available.

The proposed rules also seek to take advantage of modern communication technologies. In addition to providing email addresses on the voter eligibility list, the new rules will allow petitioners to file election petitions electronically and for the NLRB to provide notices directly to employees through email when addresses are available.

The Board invites comments on its proposed rulemaking in two ways. First, the Board is holding a public hearing scheduled for July 18 and possibly July 19. Second, it is providing a 60-day period for written comments, with 14 days for replies, that may be submitted electronically though Regulations.gov or by mail to the Board's Washington D.C. headquarters. As with the Department of Labor's proposed revised interpretations of the Labor-Management Report and Disclosure Act issued today, employers are encouraged to assess the potential impact of these proposed changes on their operations; and to consider submitting comment.

DOL Seeks to Revise Employer and Labor Relations Consultants' Reporting Requirements

On June 21, 2011, the Department of Labor’s Office of Labor-Management Standards (OLMS) will publish proposed revisions to its interpretation of the Labor-Management Report and Disclosure Act of 1959 (LMRDA), which will expand greatly what employers and their labor relations consultants must report to the Department of Labor.

 

The LMRDA was enacted by Congress in 1959 for the purpose of shedding light on labor-management relations, governance, and management. Its provisions include financial reporting and disclosure requirements for labor organizations, their officers and employees, employers, labor relations consultants, and surety companies. Section 203(a) and (b) of the LMRDA require employers and their labor relations consultants to report any agreement or arrangement between them where the consultant will undertake activities, directly or indirectly, to persuade employees to exercise or not to exercise their right to organize and bargain collectively.

However, Section 203(c) exempts from these reporting requirements “the services of such [consultant] by reason of his giving or agreeing to give advice to such employer…” Section 204 also exempts certain attorney-client communications from reporting, which is defined as, “ information which was lawfully communicated to [an]…attorney by any of his clients in the course of a legitimate attorney-client relationship.”

At issue under the DOL’s proposed revisions are its interpretation of the term “advice” in Section 203(c). With exception of a brief period in 2001, since 1962 the DOL has interpreted "advice" to exclude an employer-consultant agreement where the consultant has no direct contact with employees and limits his activity to providing the employer and its management team with advice or materials for use in persuading employees that the employer has the right to accept or reject.

In the DOL's proposed revisions, the application of the “advice” exemption under Section 203(c) depends on whether an activity can be considered giving “advice,” meaning an oral or written recommendation regarding a decision or a course of conduct, as opposed to engaging in direct or indirect persuasion of employees. Specifically, the proposed revised interpretation will state:

With respect to persuader agreements or arrangements, “advice" means on oral or written recommendation regarding a decision or a course of conduct. In contrast to advice, “persuader activity” refers to a consultant’s providing material or communications to, or engaging in other actions, conduct, or communications on behalf of an employer that, in whole or in part, have the object directly or indirectly to persuade employees concerning their rights to organize or bargain collectively. Reporting is thus required in any case in which the agreement or arrangement, in whole or in part, calls for the consultant to engage in persuader activities, regardless of whether or not advice is also given.

According the DOL's notice, under this revised interpretation reportable agreements will include those in which a consultant agrees to plan or orchestrate a campaign for an employer to avoid or counter union organizing. It will also include any planning, directing, or coordinating of the activities of management and supervisors or the providing of persuader material to them for dissemination or distribution to employees. Moreover, drafting or implementing policies for the employer designed to directly or indirectly persuade employees will also trigger a reporting obligation. 

The proposed revisions to the regulations and forms would combine to impose extensive and sweeping new reporting obligations on employers who would utilize the expertise of outside consultants, attorneys or other professionals when addressing labor relations issues.  If the “advice exception” is indeed narrowed as proposed in the document being posted tomorrow, employers will need to report the details of these third-party relationships regardless of whether the third-parties have any contact with employees.  Employers may choose to address labor relations issues by themselves, instead of engaging experienced outsiders to assist and risking additional extensive reporting obligations.  Likewise, outside professionals may turn their talents and experience to other pursuits, rather than assuming the risk of the extensive additional disclosure.

The DOL is requesting comments to its proposed revised interpretations, which will be due 60 days after publication.  Employers would be wise to revisit any existing relationships that might fall within the broad scope of the proposed rule, assess its potential impact and to consider submitting comment.

Public Interest Group and 34 Arizona Employees Seek to Intervene in NLRB's Lawsuit Against Arizona

On June 9, 2011, the nonprofit organization Save Our Secret Ballot and 34 individuals moved to intervene as defendants in the National Labor Relations Board’s lawsuit against the State of Arizona challenging Article 2 § 37 of the Arizona Constitution.  That state constitutional provision, passed by voter referendum last year, requires a guarantee of a secret ballot in any election for union representation. Save Our Secret Ballot is a nonprofit organization whose stated purpose is to educate the public on the continued need for a secret ballot for union recognition. Almost all of the individual intervenors are Arizona residents employed in the non-unionized, private construction industry.

In the lawsuit, the Board claims that Arizona Constitution Article 2 § 37 is pre-empted by the National Labor Relations Act. Article 2 § 37, approved by voter referendum on November 2, 2010, states: 

[t]he right to vote by secret ballot for employee representation is fundamental and shall be guaranteed where local, state or federal law permits or requires elections, designations or authorizations for employee representation.

The Board's Complaint asserts that “[t]he NLRA permits but does not require secret ballot elections for the designation, selection, or authorization of a collective bargaining representative…” Accordingly, the Board argues that Arizona Constitution Article 2 § 37 ought to be preempted "insofar as it creates a parallel state enforcement mechanism for protecting employee representation rights that Congress assigned to the National Labor Relations Board."

Save Our Secret Ballot argues in its motion that it is entitled to intervene because it has acquired particular knowledge of legal and factual issues implicated by the Board’s lawsuit through its development of the ballot measure in Arizona and in other states. It also claims that Arizona’s interests are not identical to its own “because Save Our Secret Ballot’s interests include expanding the secret ballot protection in states beyond Arizona.” The motion further explains that the individuals should be allowed to intervene because:

the individual applicants will assert their personal rights under the First Amendment and the National Labor Relations Act…. Although the State has standing to defend individual rights established by its laws, see, e.g., Virginia ex rel. Cuccinelli v. Sebelius, 702 F. Supp. 2d 598, 605 (E.D. Va. 2010); Florida ex rel. McCollum v. U.S. Dept. of Health & Human Services, 716 F. Supp. 2d 1120 (N.D. Fla. 2010), it does not have standing to assert individual federal constitutional or statutory rights. Those critical affirmative defenses may only be raised by the individual applicants.  

Save Our Secret Ballot and the individuals claim that amicus status is insufficient because it does not allow them to raise issues or arguments formally and gives them no right to appeal an adverse decision.  According to the motion, the State of Arizona will not oppose their request to intervene.

Several former Board officials, including one former Republican General Counsel who testified at a February 11, 2011 hearing before the House Committee on Education and the Workforce, have suggested that the Board's preemption theory has significant merit under these circumstances.  Other witnesses at that hearing encouraged that this dispute be resolved by Congressional action on the Secret Ballot Protection Act.  That Act, which would require secret ballot elections in federal union representation proceedings, was introduced by Senator Jim DeMint (R-SC) on January 27, 2011 and Rep. Phil Roe (R-TN) on March 15, 2011.

House HELP Subcommittee Hearing Studies Union Corporate Campaigns and the NLRB

On May 26, 2011, the House Subcommittee on Health, Education, Labor & Pensions held a hearing entitled "Corporate Campaigns and the NLRB: The Impact of Union Pressure on Job Creation."  Subcommittee Chairman Rep. Phil Roe (R-TN) opened the hearing, defining "a corporate campaign" as a "union effort to disrupt an employer’s routine business" in order to put pressure on the employer to facilitate union organizing.  These campaigns often include coordinated tactics such as negative advertising, legal and regulatory complaints filed at government agencies, public relations and consumer communications, and appeals to political and religious leaders.  Rep. Roe noted the increasing popularity of this strategy and some related concerns thus:

Over the years the use of corporate campaigns has accelerated. According to one study, between 1974 and 1999, only 200 corporate campaigns were identified. Yet in 2005 it was estimated that between 15 and 20 corporate campaigns were underway at any given time. And recently the National Labor Relations Board has taken a number of steps to expand the arsenal of tactics available for a corporate campaign.

The board has removed bannering restrictions previously placed on boycotts of neutral employers. Employees of onsite contractors have been granted greater access to the property of the contracting employer connected to organizing activity. The board has also requested briefs that could allow even greater access to an employer’s property.

Testifying at the hearing were labor lawyer Jonathan Fritts, Esq., of Morgan Lewis; Chet Karnas, owner of Lone Sun Builders, Inc.; David Bego, CEO of Executive Management Services; and, UC Law Professor Catherine Fisk.  An archived webcast of the hearing is available here, and the prepared introductory testimony of each witness is here

For more on corporate campaigns, see these earlier blog posts and other resources:

Rep. Issa (R-CA) Seeks Information From National Mediation Board Regarding "Radical" Rule Change

On May 11, 2010, the National Mediation Board announced that it was changing a decades-old rule regarding the way votes are counted in union representation elections under the Railway Labor Act (RLA).  By letter dated May 17, 2011, Rep. Darrell Issa (R-CA), Chairman of the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, sent a letter to the Chairman of the NMB expressing concern over the change and requesting information regarding the change. 

Under longstanding RLA interpretation, a union would only be certified as a bargaining representative of a group of employees if a majority of all eligible voters cast ballots in favor of unionization -- the "majority in unit" standard.  The new standard, the "majority of votes cast" standard, essentially the standard applied by the National Labor Relations Board in elections under the NLRA -- a union is declared the representative of a unit of employees if a majority of the employees who cast valid ballots vote for union representation.

Rep. Issa's letter identfies a number of concerns with the change: exclusion of the Chairman from the consideration process; the influence of particular labor unions on the composition of the Board; and, the refusal to publish dissenting minority views, among other concerns.  In light of these concerns, and the "radical shift in the Board's interpretation of the Railway Labor Act," Rep. Issa requested production of a wide variety of documents in connection with the decision.  The letter requests designation of an NMB representative to provide a briefing by May 24, 2011, and production of the documents by June 1, 2011.

This is not the first challenge to the new rule.  On May 17, 2010, an association of airlines filed suit to block the rule, and a few weeks later, the NMB agreed to hold up implementation of the rule until June 30, while the Court considered the parties' respective motions.  That challenge failed and the rule became effective as of July 1, 2010. 

Last May, Senator Johnny Isakson (R-GA) introduced S.J. RES. 30, a Joint Resolution to express "congressional disapproval" of the NMB's administrative action.  The Senate voted 56 to 43 against the resolution.  This past February, Rep. Phil Gingrey (R-GA) introduced legislation to reverse the rule change. The "Restoring Democracy in the Workplace Act" (H.R. 548) was intended to repeal a rule published by the NMB on May 11, 2010, and the related regulations, but has gone nowhere beyond committee to date.

National Labor Relations Board Sues Arizona Over Secret Ballot Amendment

The National Labor Relations Board this afternoon filed suit against the State of Arizona in the federal District Court for the District of Arizona.  Consistent with its previous announcement of its intent to do so, the Board is seeking a Declaratory Judgment proclaiming Arizona Constitution Article 2 § 37 pre-empted by the National Labor Relations Act. 

Article 2 § 37 of the Arizona Constitution, approved by voter referendum on November 2, 2010, states: 

[t]he right to vote by secret ballot for employee representation is fundamental and shall be guaranteed where local, state or federal law permits or requires elections, designations or authorizations for employee representation.

After citing sections of the NLRA which pertain to the designation or recognition of a union representative, the Board's Complaint asserts:

The NLRA permits but does not require secret ballot elections for the designation, selection, or authorization of a collective bargaining representative where, for example, employees successfully petition their employer to voluntarily recognize their designated representative on the basis of reliable evidence of majority support, in accordance with Sections 7 and 9 of the NLRA, 29 U.S.C. §§ 157 and 159, or where a construction union seeks recognition from a construction employer in accordance with Section 8(f) of the NLRA, 29 U.S.C. § 158(f).

Moreover, argues the Board, the provision ought to be preempted "insofar as it creates a parallel state enforcement mechanism for protecting employee representation rights that Congress assigned to the National Labor Relations Board."

Following an earlier exchange of positions between the Board and four states on this issue, several witnesses at a February 11, 2011 hearing before the House Committee on Education and the Workforce encouraged that this dispute be resolved by Congressional action on the Secret Ballot Protection Act.  That Act, which would require secret ballot elections in federal union representation proceedings, was introduced by Senator Jim DeMint (R-SC) on January 27, 2011 and Rep. Phil Roe (R-TN) on March 15, 2011.

The State Attorneys General responsible for enforcing their states' secret ballot protection measures responded strongly to the initial threats by the Acting General Counsel to initiate litigation.  In the face of politically charged reactions to other recent choices, the Acting General Counsel is showing no signs of embracing a less aggressive approach going forward.

NYT: National Labor Relations Board to Sue Arizona, South Dakota Over Anti-Card-Check Amendments

Steven Greenhouse writes in the New York Times that the National Labor Relations Board plans to proceed with lawsuits against two of the four states it threatened earlier this year over state constitutional amendments to ban union recognition by card-check.  On January 14, 2011, Acting General Counsel Lafe Solomon advised the Attorneys General of Arizona, South Carolina, South Dakota and Utah that the National Labor Relations Act preempts constitutional amendments to require the use of secret ballots in union representation elections.  In response the states argued that the amendments support the current federal law and did not disrupt the federal regulatory scheme.  

In February, the Acting General Counsel replied to the states indicating that the Board would refrain from bringing suit while they discussed whether they could resolve the issue "without the necessity of costly litigation."  Now, Greenhouse reports the Board has indicated it will soon file federal lawsuits against Arizona and South Dakota seeking to invalidate the amendments: 

In a letter sent on Friday, the labor board told those states that it would invoke the United States Constitution’s supremacy clause in asserting that the state constitutional amendments conflict with federal laws and are pre-empted by those laws. One federal official said the lawsuits would be filed in the next few days.

The Board has suggested it might proceed against the other two states at a later date.  Greenhouse includes reaction from Arizona and South Dakota to the announcement: 

In an interview, Tom Horne, Arizona’s attorney general, criticized the board’s planned suit, saying, “I find it shocking that they do not believe in the fundamental principle of democracy that people have a right to a secret ballot.” He said that while federal pre-emption might apply to laws passed by Congress, it should not apply to the labor board’s decision allowing card check to be used in some unionization campaigns.

South Dakota’s attorney general, Marty J. Jackley, said he respectfully disagreed with the board’s analysis, adding that he did not believe the agency “has the authority under circumstances like this to sue a state.”

At a February 11, 2011 hearing before the House Committee on Education and the Workforce, several witnesses indicated that any preemption dispute over this issue could be resolved by Congressional action on the Secret Ballot Protection Act.  That Act, which would require secret ballot elections in federal union representation proceedings, was introduced by Senator Jim DeMint (R-SC) on January 27, 2011 and Rep. Phil Roe (R-TN) on March 15, 2011.

Former NLRB Member: Board to Rewrite Organizing Law, Ignore Federal Rulemaking Requirements

In The Hill's Congress Blog today, former National Labor Relations Board Member and Chairman Peter Schaumber writes about the Board's approach to the closely watched Specialty Healthcare case.  Mr. Schaumber warns that the Board appears intent on effecting a major change in national labor policy without resorting to the basic strictures of the Administrative Procedure Act (APA).

Beyond the procedural criticism, Mr. Schaumber also expresses his concern about the substance of the anticipated changes:

A proliferation of small units presents the specter of an unending series of union organizing campaigns, NLRB proceedings, and the attendant litigation costs and disruption to the employer’s operations. Moreover, fragmentation of the workforce does not enhance collective bargaining, it undermines it. As the Board has recognized, it can give rise to conflicts of interest and dissatisfaction among constituent groups, impose the time and expense of continuous and repetitious bargaining, and lead to wage whipsawing, more frequent strikes, work stoppages and jurisdictional disputes. Even if agreements can be reached, fragmented units can create lasting legal and administrative costs in applying different agreements and working conditions to a slew of small groups of employees scattered around the workplace. Unit fragmentation also undermines the perceived legitimacy and bargaining strength of unions by severely restricting the size of their constituency relative to the overall workforce. These deleterious affects obviously take on heightened significance in the context of medical facilities, where heightened costs of care and the disruption of operations pose serious risks to public health.

That is why the NLRB, since its inception, has sought to avoid the proliferation of bargaining units and it is why the National Labor Relations Act specifically states that the extent to which the union has succeeded in organizing employees shall not be controlling in determining the appropriate unit. However, the Board has now signaled a sharp change in direction, one which may impact unit determinations, not just in nursing homes and other non-acute care facilities, but in all industries. The Board in the Specialty Healthcare case recently invited briefs on whether it should abandon decades of precedent and adopt a new rule that would approve units of two or more employees doing the “same job” in the “same location,” without regard to whether those employees comprise a distinct and homogenous group with interests separate from other employees. Under such a new standard, a unit consisting solely of maintenance employees working on the second floor of a nursing home or nursing assistants but not other care givers presumably would be appropriate. As would a unit consisting solely of the trumpet players in an orchestra or wide receivers on a football team, regardless of the sentiments of the other workers with whom they share common interests.

All the more reason why Mr. Schaumber argues that the Board's wide solicitation of amicus briefs is not sufficient.  He asserts that the Board must rather follow the APA's rulemaking procedures, "including conducting cost benefit assessments and providing the public notice and a full and fair opportunity to comment."  Read the entire piece here.

No Joke: NLRB Chairman Giving "Active Consideration" to Rulemaking For Quicker Elections

This past April Fool's Day, labor relations consultant Phil Wilson raised eyebrows and heart rates with his gag e-mail announcing that the National Labor Relations Board had adopted implemented a new 5-day timetable for union representation elections.  Our post the next day:

So, while LRI's April Fool's e-mail alert was a well-designed prank on employers and the management bar, none of us should be too shocked to see a very similar e-mail from LRI or others some time in the not too distant future...

We may soon see how distant "not so distant" is.  At Wednesday's hearing before a subcommittee of the House Committee on Appropriations, Board Chairman Wilma Liebman acknowledged the Board is considering engaging in rulemaking to shorten the time frame from the filing of a representation petition to the conduct of an election.  As reported by the Chamber of Commerce's NLRB Insight blog:

Perhaps the most interesting revelation came when Rep. Jack Kingston (R-GA) asked Chairman Liebman about recent comments by Member Pearce regarding "quick snap" elections. Rep. Kingston's comments were likely referring to comments Member Pearce made at a conference at Suffolk University Law School in October. As reported by the Daily Labor Report (BNA), Member Pearce said that the Board must seek to hold an election as soon as possible after a petition is filed and that he found the system used in some parts of Canada, where elections are held in as little as 5 to 10 days, "intriguing."

In response, Chairman Liebman noted that while the current median time for elections is 38 days, the Board is giving "active consideration" to conducting rulemaking in this area and that the Board was looking at the various components that are part of the current secret ballot election process. In particular, the Board is considering whether these components are still working and necessary or whether they detract from the effectiveness of conducting elections.

Just a week before, the Chairman told NPR that the current NLRB election process is too long and favors management.  During the past few years, proponents of labor law reform like Senator Tom Harkin (D-IA), former NLRB Chairman William Gould, and former Senator Arlen Specter (D-PA) have advocated a shorter election period.

Proposed Change to NLRB Election Procedure? Just Kidding!

Some of you may have received an e-mail alert yesterday from labor consultant Phil Wilson at LRI with the Subject line “Breaking News: NLRB Implements 5-Day Elections.” This was enough to raise the heart rates of many labor professionals around the country. The body of the email explained that the NLRB’s Representation Casehandling Manual was being changed “to shrink the target date for RC elections from the current 42-day period down to a 5-day target.”  The email’s “link” to the new manual told readers that it was all an April Fool’s trick from LRI. Management and its labor advisors breathed a sigh of relief. But was that relief premature?

The idea of quicker elections is not new. Critics of current Board procedure often complain that the 42 day election period is too long and allows management to intimidate voters.  Expedited elections were one of many alternatives to EFCA put forth by proponents of labor law reform. Senator Tom Harkin (D-IA) floated a 21 day election deadline as a potential compromise to EFCA. Former NLRB Chairman William Gould has also advocated a 21 day election period. And former Senator Arlen Specter (D-PA) often advocated a shorter election period as one component of labor law reform.

As the debate over EFCA cooled, the number of people discussing changes to the NLRB election process had dwindled. But it has not vanished completely. Just a day before LRI's gag e-mail, NLRB Chairman Wilma Liebman said in an interview that the current NLRB election process is too long and favors management.

So, while LRI's April Fool's e-mail alert was a well-designed prank on employers and the management bar, none of us should be too shocked to see a very similar e-mail from LRI or others some time in the not too distant future...

 

NLRB Provides Representation Case Data, Allows Submission of Supplemental Briefs in Specialty Healthcare

In a case questioned as evidence of the National Labor Relations Board’s desire to implement significant change in the way it determines appropriate units for bargaining, the NLRB last week extended the time for submission of supplemental briefs by interested parties. In February 2009, the Board granted the Employer’s Request for Review in Specialty Healthcare & Rehabilitation Center of Mobile. On December 22, 2011, over the dissent of Member Brian Hayes, a three-Member Board majority issued a Notice and Invitation to File Briefs, 356 NLRB No. 56 (Dec. 22, 2010).

In this case, the union had petitioned for a unit of Certified Nursing Assistants (CNAs) only at the employer’s nursing home, excluding all other non-professional service and maintenance employees. The Regional Director’s determination that the limited petitioned-for unit was appropriate suggested further expansion of the application of the Board’s 1989 final rule regarding appropriate units in acute care hospitals over non-acute care facilities like the nursing home at issue.

The Board has invited interested parties to file briefs in connection with the case. The variety of questions presented explores whether and in what types of cases the Board should move away from its traditional case-by-case analysis of the appropriateness of a petitioned-for unit in favor of a more categorical approach. Briefs were originally due on or before February 22, 2011, but that deadline was previously extended to March 8, 2011. Responsive briefs are due tomorrow.

Over a dozen parties filed amicus briefs, including the American Hospital Association and American Society for Healthcare HR Administration, Retail Industry Leaders Association (RILA), Coalition for a Democratic Workplace, the Chamber of Commerce, AFL-CIO, SEIU, IUOE, and Senators Michael Enzi (R-WY), Orrin Hatch (R-UT) and Johnny Isakson (R-GA).

Many of the briefs filed by labor organizations focus predominantly on the facts of Specialty Healthcare, choosing to answer the Board’s questions regarding the propriety of the CNA-only unit in the nursing home at issue in that case.

In a brief prepared by Proskauer, however, RILA asserts that the Board’s consideration of a presumptive rule here is based on Member Becker's unsuccessful effort in Wheeling Island Gaming, 355 NLRB No. 127 (August 27, 2010) to adopt as appropriate a very limited unit of just the "poker dealers" at a casino, while excluding all other card dealers.  RILA argues that a presumptive rule based on "employees performing a job" or simply on a "proposed unit" – as considered here -- violates the Board’s mandate, the legislative history of the Act and relevant case law. The broader management concern:

In place of predictability, the Board’s rule would insert the unknown. Instead of stability, it would offer the potential for chaos, as employees currently – and, according to Board precedent, appropriately – placed within homogeneous single-facility bargaining units could be splintered into departmental fiefdoms, each of which would seek to gain leverage and personal advantage. Put simply, 60 years of success indicates there is no problem with the single-store, single-unit presumption the Board currently applies. History likewise suggests that there is every reason to maintain this stability, and not to adopt the change suggested by the Board’s questions.

In addition, Senators Enzi, Hatch and Isakson requested that the Board provide representation case data which might be relevant to the issues under consideration. By letter dated March 7, 2011, Reps. John Kline (R-MN) and Darrell Issa (R-CA) expanded upon this request, asking the Board to post requested representation case data on the Board’s website. Both groups of legislators asked for an extension of time within which to file briefs once the information was provided.

In response, the Board has posted representation case data for the years 2000 to 2011 on NLRB.gov. Moreover, the Board has granted interested parties permission to file ten-page supplemental briefs, based on issues implicated by this data alone, by March 29, 2011.

Secret Ballot Protection Act Introduced in House

Chairman of the House HELP Sub-Committee, Rep. Phil Roe (R-TN) has introduced the Secret Ballot Protection Act (H.R. 972).  Back on January 27, 2011, Senator Jim DeMint (R-SC) introduced the Senate version of the bill (S. 217).  Rep. Roe's bill tracks Senator DeMint's bill, and the language of the bill as introduced in previous sessions of Congress.

While the bill faces numerous mathematical obstacles to passage in the Senate, not to mention a certain Presidential veto, the House version should pass easily.  As the National Labor Relations Board and proponents of the Employee Free Choice Act continue to expand endorsement of alternative methods of union recognition, we should expect the House might conduct hearings on this bill.  In recent hearings before Rep. Roe's Sub-Committee, management attorneys urged Congress to pass the Secret Ballot Protection Act in order to avoid the pre-emption battle unfolding between the National Labor Relations Board and state governments over state secret ballot constitutional amendments.

More resources and commentary:

NLRB Explains Its Google Ads, Discontinuation of Practice

Earlier this week, NAM's Shopfloor blog posted a piece noting that Google featured ads for the National Labor Relations Board's website, under the heading "Labor Organizations Info" and reading:

Find Info on How to Start a Union

Get the Process and More on Our Site!

Shopfloor and LaborUnionReport both questioned why a federal agency might be using taxpayer dollars to promote the formation of unions.

Late this afternoon, the National Labor Relations Board issued a brief "Fact Check" statement, purportedly to correct what it calls "an error of fact" thus:

It has been reported that the NLRB spent Agency funds on Google ads. An initial review indicates that the ads were provided at no charge beginning in 2008 by Google.

And...

The Agency has decided to discontinue them.

 

Georgia Rep Introduces Bill to Reverse NMB Rule on Union Elections

Last week, Rep. Phil Gingrey (R-GA) introduced legislation to reverse a controversial rule change implemented by the National Mediation Board (NMB) last year which made it easier to organize unions in the airline industry. The "Restoring Democracy in the Workplace Act" (H.R. 548) is intended to repeal a rule published by the NMB on May 11, 2010, and the related regulations.

The NMB rule at issue changed the manner in which the results are determined in union representation elections under the Railway Labor Act.  Previously, a decades-old rule provided that a union would only be certified as a bargaining representative of a group of employees if a majority of all eligible voters cast ballots in favor of unionization -- the "majority in unit" standard.  The new standard, the "majority of votes cast" standard, matches the standard applied by the National Labor Relations Board in elections under the NLRA -- a union is declared the representative of a unit of employees if a majority of the employees who cast valid ballots vote for union representation.  After a court challenge failed to halt the agency's promulgation, the new rule went into effect.

Rep.Gingrey's proposal is simple:

Effective January 1, 2011, the rule prescribed by the National Mediation Board relating to representation election procedures published on May 11, 2010 (95 Fed. Reg. 26062) and revising sections 1202 and 1206 of title 29, Code of Federal Regulations, shall have no force or effect.

While the House bill has currently has thirty-two co-sponsors, and is likely to pass a vote there, the Senate will remain a hurdle for the bill.  Last May, Senator Johnny Isakson (R-GA) introduced S.J. RES. 30, a Joint Resolution to express "congressional disapproval" of the NMB's administrative action.  The Senate voted 56 to 43 against the resolution.  Senators Lincoln (D-AR), Pryor (D-AR) and Nelson (D-NE) crossed the aisle to vote in support of the resolution.  All Republican Senators voted for the measure with the exception of Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-AK) who did not vote.  A similar pattern, even if GOP pick-ups provide a majority, will still likely fall short of the numbers needed for a cloture vote.

Senator DeMint Introduces Secret Ballot Protection Act in Senate

Senator Jim DeMint (R-South Carolina) today introduced the Secret Ballot Protection Act (SBPA), a bill intended to "guarantee the right of every American worker to have a secret ballot election on whether to unionize."  While the full text is not yet available, versions of this bill introduced in earlier sessions of Congress would have made it unlawful for an employer to recognize or bargain with a union unless a majority of employees had voted for union representation in an NLRB-conducted secret ballot election.  The bill has been introduced repeatedly in previous Congresses during legislative battles over the Employee Free Choice Act.  Seventeen Republican cosponsors have joined DeMint to introduce the bill.

In an introductory press release, Sen. DeMint referenced EFCA directly:

“Last Congress, union bosses and their Democrat allies tried their best to deny workers their basic American right to a guaranteed secret ballot election....  Secret ballot voting is a basic American value that we must protect. This bill ensures every American worker gets to cast a secret ballot vote without pressure and fear of retribution from union organizers and coworkers looking over their shoulder. No American should be forced to join or pay dues to a union just to have the opportunity to work and provide for their family.”

The Senator's release also makes express reference to the recent letter sent by the Acting General Counsel of the NLRB to four states – South Carolina, Arizona, South Dakota and Utah -- regarding their state constitutional amendments making secret ballot elections mandatory:

The threatening letter was written by acting NLRB general counsel, Lafe Solomon, who has not been confirmed by the Senate. Today, the states responded to the board in a letter stating: “These state laws protect long existing federal rights and we will vigorously defend any legal attack upon them. That the NLRB would use its resources to sue our States for constitutionally guaranteeing the right to vote by a secret ballot is extraordinary, and we urge you to reconsider your decision.”

In a Washington Post piece earlier this month, I predicted that passage of either the Employee Free Choice Act or the Secret Ballot Protection Act would be nearly impossible in this Congress.  It isn't hard to see why.  While the SBPA would likely sail through the House, finding the thirteen Democratic Senators to break party ranks to pass a cloture motion on this will be difficult.   To be sure there were Democrats who opposed EFCA, but few of them staked a vocal, public position -- and some of them are no longer serving.  

Still, this bill may be an important contribution to a debate certain to continue, if not by legislation, certainly via the Board's administrative processes and the Courts -- namely, to what extent are alternative means of union recognition lawful, tolerated, inferior, encouraged or prohibited?

NLRB Asserts State Secret Ballot Laws Are Unconstitutional

This past Friday, January 14, 2011, the National Labor Relations Board advised the Attorneys General of four states – Arizona, South Carolina, South Dakota and Utah – that the National Labor Relations Act preempts constitutional amendments to require the use of secret ballots in union representation elections. Letters sent by Acting General Counsel Lafe Solomon assert that these amendments, approved by voters in each of these states last November, conflict with Section 7 of the National Labor Relations Act.

In the letters, Acting GC Solomon cites Linden Lumber Division v. NLRB, 419 U.S. 301 (1974) and NLRB v. Gissel Packing Co., 395 U.S. 575 (1969) for the proposition that federal law provides employees two different paths to pursue the Section 7 right to choose a representative: a secret ballot election or voluntary recognition. The state constitutional amendments, however, require only secret ballot elections to select union representation according to the Acting GC’s letters. Accordingly, the letters assert these conflicting amendments are preempted by operation of the Supremacy Clause set forth in Article VI of the U.S. Constitution.

Acting GC Solomon requested responses from the states within two weeks. If the states refuse to acknowledge that these provisions are unconstitutional, the Board has indicated it will initiate civil actions in federal court to have them invalidated.  When we reported on similar efforts by states in early 2009, we noted that federal preemption principles would likely pose significant legal challenge to the enforcement of these state provisions.  It seems we will soon find out.

More commentary, resources:

NLRB Invites Briefs On Jurisdiction Over Charter Schools

On January 10, 2011, the National Labor Relations Board invited briefs from interested parties in a case which considers whether the Board has jurisdiction over a charter school in Illinois. In Chicago Mathematics & Science Academy Charter School, Inc. (13- RM-1768), the Chicago Alliance of Charter Teachers and Staff filed a petition for a representation election with a state labor agency, the Illinois Educational Labor Relations Board. Seeking to represent a unit of teachers, social workers and counselors, the union asserted that the state board filing was proper because the school is a “political subdivision” of the state. Such political subdivisions are exempt from the federal jurisdiction of the NLRB under Section 2(2) of the National Labor Relations Act.

The Charter School, however, maintains it is not a political subdivision of the state, and that the NLRB should conduct any election. In NLRB v. Natural Gas Utility District of Hawkins County, Tenn., 402 U.S. 600 (1971), the Supreme Court set forth a test for assessing whether entities are exempt “political subdivisions”. Entities are so exempt if they are “either (1) created directly by the state, so as to constitute departments or administrative arms of the government, or (2) administered by individuals who are responsible to public officials or to the general electorate.”

The state laws establishing charter school laws vary from state to state. Applying the facts of various cases, NLRB Regional Directors have come to differing conclusions -- asserting jurisdiction in some cases and declining in others. The Board has indicated that the “decision in this case could provide further guidance as to when charter schools fall under NLRB jurisdiction."

Briefs are due by March 11, 2011, with responsive filings by March 25, 2011.

More commentary, resources:

 

UAW Asks Auto-Makers to Agree to "Principles for Fair Union Elections"

The United Auto Workers has issued a two page flier entitled “UAW Principles for Fair Union Elections.”  The Principles are obviously directed at the various foreign automakers operating non-union facilities in the United States.  Among other disputes, the UAW has been engaged in a protracted battle with Toyota over its inability to organize factories primarily throughout the South.  This recently issued document appears to be part of a new, long-awaited P.R.strategy to “reset” the union’s efforts.

The document itself is highly critical of the current state of American labor law, and the institutions tasked with its enforcement. Echoing the language used by sponsors and other proponents of the Employee Free Choice Act, the introductory sidebar to the UAW’s “Principles” states:

The current federal framework under the National Labor Relations Act does not protect the rights of workers to freely decide whether or not to join the UAW. ... Employee attempts at redress are futile due to lengthy delays and lack of penalties.

The Principles include commitments by the parties to comply with existing labor law – e.g., not to promise benefits to deter organizing, not to threaten repercussions on account of union sympathies, etc. Law-abiding employers should not have much problem acknowledging these.

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